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1909 Martial Law in Spain - History

1909 Martial Law in Spain - History

The decision to send Spanish troops to Morocco precipitated widespread chaos in Spain. Inequalities of military service caused the protests. The disruptions led to general strikes and rioting. The government imposed martial law and arrested the opponents of the regime. Francusici Ferrer, a well-known anti-cleric, was executed, resulting in sweeping criticism throughout Europe. Spanish Prime Minister Maura was forced to resign, and the King invited the Liberal Party to form a government.

The Spanish Defense Ministry decided to activate the Third Mixed Brigade of Cazadores to fight in Spanish Morocco. The brigade had believed that they would no longer be called up to active duty, and the members and their families were furious that they were called up. In late July, they began boarding ships to take them to Morocco. Onlookers, which included their families, were angry and jeered as they boarded the vessel, while the military was playing patriotic music.

On July 26, 1909, a general strike was called in Barcelona by a coalition that included anarchists and socialists. Violence broke out immediately as trains were halted, trams overturned, and convents and other church properties were burned. The opposition considered the church as one of their enemies, believing that the church supported the status quo.

Martial law was declared, and the army brought in troops from other parts of Spain, believing that recruits from the Barcelona area would not fire on the demonstrators. The army was able to put down the revolt, after sustaining eight dead and 124 wounded, while killing between 104-160 civilians. One thousand seven hundred people were arrested. Five of those arrested were sentenced to death, including Francesc Ferrer, one of the founders of the protest movement. The week became knownas the "Tragic Week".
There was widespread condemnation of the government action in Europe. As a result, King Alfonso XX III dismissed Premier Antonio Maura.


Spain is a country in south-west Europe. In the 19th century Spain had difficulty holding on to its territory in South America. This led to the emergence of Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, Venezuela and Mexico as independent republics. In 1898 the Spanish-American War resulted in the loss of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Guam and Cuba.

Alfonso XIII of Spain assumed power in 1902. Alfonso XIII became increasingly autocratic and in 1909 was condemned for ordering the execution of the radical leader, Ferrer Guardia, in Barcelona. He also prevented liberal reforms being introduced before the First World War.

Blamed for the Spanish defeat in the Moroccan War (1921) Alfonso was in constant conflict with Spanish politicians. His anti-democratic views encouraged Miguel Primo de Rivera to lead a military coup in 1923. He promised to eliminate corruption and to regenerate Spain. In order to do this he suspended the constitution, established martial law and imposed a strict system of censorship.

Miguel Primo de Rivera initially said he would rule for only 90 days, however, he broke this promise and remained in power. Little social reform took place but he tried to reduce unemployment by spending money on public works. To pay for this Primo de Rivera introduced higher taxes on the rich. When they complained he changed his policies and attempted to raise money by public loans. This caused rapid inflation and after losing support of the army was forced to resign in January 1930.

In 1931 Alfonso XIII agreed to democratic elections. It was the first time for nearly sixty years that free elections had been allowed in Spain. When the Spanish people voted overwhelmingly for a republic, Alfonso was advised that the only way to avoid large-scale violence was to go into exile. Alfonso agreed and left the country on 14th April, 1931.

The provisional government of the Second Republic called a general election for June 1931. The Socialist Party (PSOE) and other left wing parties won an overwhelming victory. Niceto Alcala Zamora, a moderate Republican, became prime minister, but included in his cabinet several radical figures such as Manuel Azaña, Francisco Largo Caballero and Indalecio Prieto.

On 16th October 1931, Azaña replaced Niceto Alcala Zamora as prime minister. With the support of the Socialist Party (PSOE) he attempted to introduce agrarian reform and regional autonomy. However, these measures were blocked in the Cortes.

Azaña believed that the Catholic Church was responsible for Spain's backwardness. He defended the elimination of special privileges for the Church on the grounds that Spain had ceased to be Catholic. Azaña was criticized by the Catholic Church for not doing more to stop the burning of religious buildings in May 1931. He controversially remarked that burning of "all the convents in Spain was not worth the life of a single Republican".

The failed military coup led by José Sanjurjo on 10th August, 1932, rallied support for Azaña's government. It was now possible for him to get the Agrarian Reform Bill and the Catalan Statute passed by the Cortes. However, the modernization programme of the Azaña administration was undermined by a lack of financial resources.

The November 1933 elections saw the right-wing CEDA party win 115 seats whereas the Socialist Party only managed 58. CEDA now formed a parliamentary alliance with the Radical Party. Over the next two years the new administration demolished the reforms that had been introduced by Manuel Azaña and his government.

This led to a general strike on 4th October 1934 and an armed rising in Asturias. Azaña was accused of encouraging these disturbances and on 7th October he was arrested and interned on a ship in Barcelona Harbour. However, no evidence could be found against him and he was released on 18th December.

Azaña was also accused of supplying arms to the Asturias insurrectionaries. In March 1935, the matter was debated in the Cortes, where Azaña defended himself in a three-hour speech. On 6th April, 1935, the Tribunal of Constitutional Guarantees acquitted Azaña.

On 15th January 1936, Manuel Azaña helped to establish a coalition of parties on the political left to fight the national elections due to take place the following month. This included the Socialist Party (PSOE), Communist Party ( PCE), Esquerra Party and the Republican Union Party.

The Popular Front, as the coalition became known, advocated the restoration of Catalan autonomy, amnesty for political prisoners, agrarian reform, an end to political blacklists and the payment of damages for property owners who suffered during the revolt of 1934. The Anarchists refused to support the coalition and instead urged people not to vote.

Right-wing groups in Spain formed the National Front. This included the CEDA and the Carlists. The Falange Española did not officially join but most of its members supported the aims of the National Front.

The Spanish people voted on Sunday, 16th February, 1936. Out of a possible 13.5 million voters, over 9,870,000 participated in the 1936 General Election. 4,654,116 people (34.3) voted for the Popular Front, whereas the National Front obtained 4,503,505 (33.2) and the centre parties got 526,615 (5.4). The Popular Front, with 263 seats out of the 473 in the Cortes formed the new government.

The Popular Front government immediately upset the conservatives by releasing all left-wing political prisoners. The government also introduced agrarian reforms that penalized the landed aristocracy. Other measures included transferring right-wing military leaders such as Francisco Franco to posts outside Spain, outlawing the Falange Española and granting Catalonia political and administrative autonomy.

As a result of these measures the wealthy took vast sums of capital out of the country. This created an economic crisis and the value of the peseta declined which damaged trade and tourism. With prices rising workers demanded higher wages. This situation led to a series of strikes in Spain.

On the 10th May 1936 the conservative Niceto Alcala Zamora was ousted as president and replaced by the left-wing Manuel Azaña. Soon afterwards Spanish Army officers, including Emilio Mola, Francisco Franco, Juan Yague, Gonzalo Queipo de Llanoand José Sanjurjo, began plotting to overthrow the Popular Front government. This resulted in the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War on 17th July, 1936.

President Manuel Azaña appointed Diego Martinez Barrio as prime minister on 18th July 1936 and asked him to negotiate with the rebels. He contacted Emilio Mola and offered him the post of Minister of War in his government. He refused and when Azaña realized that the Nationalists were unwilling to compromise, he sacked Martinez Barrio and replaced him with José Giral. To protect the Popular Front government, Giral gave orders for arms to be distributed to left-wing organizations that opposed the military uprising.

Manuel Azaña had no desire to be head of a government that was trying to militarily defeat another group of Spaniards. He attempted to resign but was persuaded to stay on by the Socialist Party and Communist Party who hoped that he was the best person to persuade foreign governments not to support the military uprising.

Socialists and Communists all over Europe formed International Brigades and went to Spain to protect the Popular Front government. Volunteers included George Orwell, André Marty, Christopher Caudwell, Jack Jones, Len Crome, Oliver Law, Tom Winteringham and John Cornford. Men came from a variety of left-wing groups but the brigades were always led by Communists. This created problems with other Republican groups such as the Workers Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) and the Anarchists.

To protect the Popular Front government, José Giral, the new prime minister, gave orders for arms to be distributed to left-wing organizations that opposed the military uprising.

In 1936 the Spanish Army had two distinct forces: The Peninsular Army and the Army of Africa. The Peninsular Army had 8,851 officers and 112,228 men. It was considered to be poorly trained force and on the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War over 40,000 men were on leave. It is estimated that 4,660 officers and 19,000 men joined the Nationalist forces in the struggle with the Republicans. Of the remaining 4,191 officers, around 2,000 supported the Popular Front government.

The Army of Africa was considered to be superior to the Peninsular Army. It consisted of those Spanish Army units based in Morocco. In 1936 the force numbered 34,047 men and was composed of regular Spanish Army units and the Spanish Foreign Legion.

On 19th July, 1936, General Francisco Francoassumed command of this force and organized its airlift to Spain. During the first two months of the war, around 10,500 men were flown across the Straits of Gibraltar by aircraft owned by the Luftwaffe. Others followed and the Army of Africa played an important role in gaining Nationalist control of South-Western Spain.

There were also two internal paramilitary police forces: the Civil Guard and the Assault Guard. The Civil Guard, an elite paramilitary police force, had 69,000 men and officers. It is estimated that 42,000 joined the Nationalists and 27,000 remained with the Popular Front government. The Assault Guard had around 30,000 men. Of these, only 3,500 refused to join the Nationalist uprising.

It is estimated that the Republican government retained the loyalty of about half the soldiers in the Spanish Army. However, only a small percentage of the officers refused to fight with the Nationalist Army. These were often members of the left-wing Union Militar Republican Antifascisca (UMRA).

Soon after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War the Republican Army was about one-third larger than the Nationalist Army. However, by the time the rest of the Army of Africa arrived in mainland Spain, the figures were close to equal. In the early stages of the war, members of the Falange Española, Carlists and other right-wing political parties joined the Nationalist Army.

After the first few weeks of the war the Nationalist Army controlled in the north of Spain the provinces of Galicia, León, Navarre and large parts of Old Castile and Aragón. In the south they held Cádiz, Seville, Córdoba, Granada, Huelva and Cáceres. Overall, the Nationalists controlled about a third of the land in Spain.

In the summer of 1936 General Emilio Mola calculated that the Nationalist Army had 100,000 in the northern sector and 60,000 in the south. On 26th August, 1936, the Nationalist authorities introduced conscription. This enabled them to recruit some 270,000 men during the next six months.

On the outbreak of the war Madrid was under the control of the Popular Front government. Emilio Mola and Francisco Franco were anxious to capture the capital city of Spain as soon as possible. The first bombing raids by the Nationalist airforce began on 28th August, 1936.

In September 1936, Lieutenant Colonel Walther Warlimont of the German General Staff arrived as the German commander and military adviser to General Francisco Franco. The following month Warlimont suggested that a German Condor Legion should be formed to fight in the Spanish Civil War.

The initial force consisted a Bomber Group of three squadrons of Ju-52 bombers a Fighter Group with three squadrons of He-51 fighters a Reconnaissance Group with two squadrons of He-99 and He-70 reconnaissance bombers and a Seaplane Squadron of He-59 and He-60 floatplanes.

General Hugo Sperrle was appointed commander of the Condor Legion in November 1936. His chief of staff was Wolfram von Richthofen, the cousin of the First World War flying ace, Manfred von Richthofen. Wilhelm von Thoma was placed in charge of all German ground troops in the war. The Condor Legion was initially equipped with around 100 aircraft and 5,136 men but by the end of the war over 19,000 Germans had fought alongside the Nationalist Army.

Badajoz, a Spanish province on the border with Portugal, was controlled by the Republican Army during the early days of the Spanish Civil War. General Juan de Yagüe Blanco and 3,000 troops attacked Cáceres, the capital city of Badajoz, on 14th August, 1936. Bitter street fighting took place when the Nationalist Army entered the city. Losses were heavy on both sides and when the Nationalists took control of Cáceres it was claimed they massacred over a thousand people.

With the support of President Antonio Salazar, the Portuguese border was closed to Republicans trying to escape from southern or central Spain.

In September 1936, President Azaña appointed the left-wing socialist, Francisco Largo Caballero as prime minister. Largo Caballero also took over the important role of war minister. Largo Caballero brought into his government two left-wing radicals, Angel Galarza (minister of the interior) and Alvarez del Vayo (minister of foreign affairs). He also included four anarchists, Juan Garcia Oliver (Justice), Juan López Sánchez (Commerce), Federica Montseny (Health) and Juan Peiró (Industry) and two right-wing socialists, Juan Negrin (Finance) and Indalecio Prieto (Navy and Air) in his government. Largo Caballero also gave two ministries to the Communist Party (PCE): Jesus Hernández (Education) and Vicente Uribe (Agriculture).

After taking power Francisco Largo Caballero concentrated on winning the war and did not pursue his policy of social revolution. In an effort to gain the support of foreign governments, he announced that his administration was "not fighting for socialism but for democracy and constitutional rule."

Largo Caballero introduced changes that upset the left in Spain. This included conscription, the reintroduction of ranks and insignia into the militia, and the abolition of workers' and soldiers' councils. He also established a new police force, the National Republican Guard. He also agreed for Juan Negrin to be given control of the Carabineros.

Largo Caballero resisted pressure from the Communist Party to promote its members to senior posts in the government. He also refused their demands to suppress the Worker's Party (POUM) in May 1937. The Communists now withdrew from the government. In an attempt to maintain a coalition government, President Manuel Azaña sacked Largo Caballero and asked Juan Negrin to form a new cabinet.

Negrin now began appointing members of the Communist Party (PCE) to important military and civilian posts. This included Marcelino Fernandez, a communist, to head the Carabineros. Communists were also given control of propaganda, finance and foreign affairs. The socialist, Luis Araquistain, described Negrin's government as the "most cynical and despotic in Spanish history."

By the 1st November 1936, 25,000 Nationalist troops under General Jose Varela had reached the western and southern suburbs of Madrid. Five days later he was joined by General Hugo Sperrle and the Condor Legion. This began the siege of Madrid that was to last for nearly three years.

Francisco Largo Caballero and his government decided to leave Madrid on 6th November, 1936. This decision was criticized by the four anarchists in his cabinet who regarded leaving the capital as cowardice. At first they refused to go but were eventually persuaded to move to Valencia with the rest of the government.

Largo Caballero appointed General José Miaja as commander of the Republican Army in Madrid. He was given instructions to set up a Junta de Defensa (Defence Council), made up of all the parties of the Popular Front, and to defend Madrid "at all costs". He was aided by his chief of staff, Vicente Rojo.

Miaja's task was helped by the arrival of the International Brigades. The first units reached Madrid on 8th November. Led by the Soviet General, Emilo Kléber, the 11th International Brigade was to play an important role in the defence of the city. The Thaelmann Battalion, a volunteer unit that mainly consisted of members of the German Communist Party and the British Communist Party, was also deployed to defend the city.

On 14th November Buenaventura Durruti arrived in Madrid from Aragón with his Anarchist Brigade. Within a week of arriving Durruti was killed while fighting on the outskirts of the city. Durruti's supporters in the CNT were quick to complain that he had been murdered by members of the Communist Party (PCE).

On 13th December 1936, the Nationalists attempted to cut the Madrid-La Coruna road to the north-east of Madrid. After suffering heavy losses the offensive was brought to an end over Christmas. On 5th January 1937, the attack was resumed. During the next four days the Nationalist gained ten kilometres of road and lost around 15,000 men. The International Brigades, defending the road, also suffered heavy losses during this battle.

In December 1936, Benito Mussolini also began to supply the Nationalists with men and equipment. This included 30,000 men from the Blue Shirts militia and 20,000 soldiers serving with the Italian Army. In March 1937 these men were incorporated into the Italian Corps (CTV).

After failing to take Madrid by frontal assault General Francisco Franco gave orders for the road that linked the city to the rest of Republican Spain to be cut. A Nationalist force of 40,000 men, including men from the Army of Africa, crossed the Jarama River on 11th February.

General José Miaja sent three International Brigades including the Dimitrov Battalion and the British Battalion to the Jarama Valley to block the advance. On 12th February, at what became known as Suicide Hill, the Republicans suffered heavy casualties. Tom Winteringham, the British commander, was forced to order a retreat back to the next ridge. The Nationalist then advanced up Suicide Hill and were then routed by Republican machine-gun fire.

However, on the right flank, the Nationalists forced the Dimitrov Battalion to retreat. This enabled the Nationalists to virtually surround the British Battalion. Coming under heavy fire the British, now only 160 out of the original 600, had to establish defensive positions along a sunken road. Unwilling to attack again, the Nationalist Army retreated.

General Francisco Franco came under pressure from Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini to obtain a quick victory by taking Madrid. He eventually decided to use 30,000 Italians and 20,000 legionnaires to attack Guadalajara, forty miles northeast of the capital. On 8th March the Italian Corps took Guadalajara and began moving rapidly towards Madrid. Four days later the Republican Army with Soviet tanks counter-attacked. The Italians suffered heavy losses and those left alive were forced to retreat on 17th March. The Republicans also captured documents which proved that the Italians were regular soldiers and not volunteers. However, the Non-Intervention Committee refused to accept the evidence and the Italian government boldly announced that no Italian soldiers would be withdrawn until the Nationalist Army was victorious.

During the Spanish Civil War the National Confederation of Trabajo (CNT), the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) and the Worker's Party (POUM) played an important role in running Barcelona. This brought them into conflict with other left-wing groups in the city including the Union General de Trabajadores (UGT), the Catalan Socialist Party (PSUC) and the Communist Party (PCE).

On the 3rd May 1937, Rodriguez Salas, the Chief of Police, ordered the Civil Guard and the Assault Guard to take over the Telephone Exchange, which had been operated by the CNT since the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Members of the CNT in the Telephone Exchange were armed and refused to give up the building. Members of the CNT, FAI and POUM became convinced that this was the start of an attack on them by the UGT, PSUC and the PCE and that night barricades were built all over the city.

Fighting broke out on the 4th May. Later that day the anarchist ministers, Federica Montseny and Juan Garcia Oliver, arrived in Barcelona and attempted to negotiate a ceasefire. When this proved to be unsuccessful, Juan Negrin, Vicente Uribe and Jesus Hernández called on Francisco Largo Caballero to use government troops to takeover the city. Largo Caballero also came under pressure from Luis Companys not to take this action, fearing that this would breach Catalan autonomy.

On 6th May death squads assassinated a number of prominent anarchists in their homes. The following day over 6,000 Assault Guards arrived from Valencia and gradually took control of Barcelona. It is estimated that about 400 people were killed during what became known as the May Riots.

These events in Barcelona severely damaged the Popular Front government. Communist members of the Cabinet were highly critical of the way Francisco Largo Caballero handled the May Riots. President Manuel Azaña agreed and on 17th May he asked Juan Negrin to form a new government. Negrin was a communist sympathizer and from this date Joseph Stalin obtained more control over the policies of the Republican government

Negrin's government now attempted to bring the Anarchist Brigades under the control of the Republican Army. At first the Anarcho-Syndicalists resisted and attempted to retain hegemony over their units. This proved impossible when the government made the decision to only pay and supply militias that subjected themselves to unified command and structure.

Negrin also began appointing members of the Communist Party (PCE) to important military and civilian posts. This included Marcelino Fernandez, a communist, to head the Carabineros. Communists were also given control of propaganda, finance and foreign affairs. The socialist, Luis Araquistain, described Negrin's government as the "most cynical and despotic in Spanish history."

In the Asturias campaign in September 1937, Adolf Galland of the Condor Legion experimented with new bombing tactics. This became known as carpet bombing (dropping all bombs on the enemy from every aircraft at one time for maximum damage).

In April 1938 the Nationalist Army broke through the Republican defences and reached the sea. General Francisco Franco now moved his troops towards Valencia with the objective of encircling Madrid and the central front.

Juan Negrin, in an attempt to relieve the pressure on the Spanish capital, ordered an attack across the fast-flowing Ebro. General Juan Modesto, a member of the Communist Party (PCE), was placed in charge of the offensive. Over 80,000 Republican troops, including the 15th International Brigade and the British Battalion, began crossing the river in boats on 25th July. The men then moved forward towards Corbera and Gandesa.

On 26th July the Republican Army attempted to capture Hill 481, a key position at Gandesa. Hill 481 was well protected with barbed wire, trenches and bunkers. The Republicans suffered heavy casualties and after six days was forced to retreat to Hill 666 on the Sierra Pandols. It successfully defended the hill from a Nationalist offensive on 23rd September but once again large numbers were killed.

The following day, Juan Negrin, head of the Republican government, announced that the International Brigades would be unilaterally withdrawn from Spain. That night the 15th Brigade and the British Battalion moved back across the River Ebro and began their journey out of the country.

The rest of the Republican Army remained and had to endure continuous attacks from the Condor Legion. General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano also brought forward 500 cannon which fired an average of 13,500 rounds a day at the Republicans. By the middle of November, the Republicans were forced to retreat.

During the battle of Ebro the Nationalist Army had 6,500 killed and nearly 30,000 wounded. These were the worst casualties of the war but it finally destroyed the Republican Army as an effective fighting force.

Juan Negrin attempted to gain the support of western governments by announcing his plan to decollectivize industries. On 1st May 1938 Negrin published a thirteen-point program that included the promise of full civil and political rights and freedom of religion.

In August 1938 President Manuel Azaña attempted to oust Juan Negrin. However, he no longer had the power he once had and with the support of the communists in the government and armed forces, Negrin was able to survive.

On 26th January, 1939, Barcelona fell to the Nationalist Army. Azaña and his government now moved to Perelada, close to the French border. With the nationalist forces still advancing, Azaña and his colleagues crossed into France.

On 27th February, 1939, the British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain recognized the Nationalist government headed by General Francisco Franco. Later that day Manuel Azaña resigned from office, declaring that the war was lost and that he did not want Spaniards to make anymore useless sacrifices.

Juan Negrin now promoted communist leaders such as Antonio Cordon, Juan Modesto and Enrique Lister to senior posts in the army. Segismundo Casado, commander of the Republican Army of the Centre, now became convinced that Negrin was planning a communist coup. On 4th March, Casedo, with the support of the socialist leader, Julián Besteiro and disillusioned anarchist leaders, established an anti-Negrin National Defence Junta.

On 6th March José Miaja in Madrid joined the rebellion by ordering the arrests of Communists in the city. Negrin, about to leave for France, ordered Luis Barceló, commander of the First Corps of the Army of the Centre, to try and regain control of the capital. His troops entered Madrid and there was fierce fighting for several days in the city. Anarchists troops led by Cipriano Mera, managed to defeat the First Corps and Barceló was captured and executed.

Segismundo Casado now tried to negotiate a peace settlement with General Francisco Franco. However, he refused demanding an unconditional surrender. Members of the Republican Army still left alive, were no longer willing to fight and the Nationalist Army entered Madrid virtually unopposed on 27th March. Four days later Francisco Franco announced the end of the Spanish Civil War.

Available information suggests that there were about 500,000 deaths from all causes during the Spanish Civil War. An estimated 200,000 died from combat-related causes. Of these, 110,000 fought for the Republicans and 90,000 for the Nationalists. This implies that 10 per cent of all soldiers who fought in the war were killed.

It has been calculated that the Nationalist Army executed 75,000 people in the war whereas the Republican Army accounted for 55,000. These deaths takes into account the murders of members of rival political groups.

It is estimated that about 5,300 foreign soldiers died while fighting for the Nationalists (4,000 Italians, 300 Germans, 1,000 others). The International Brigades also suffered heavy losses during the war. Approximately 4,900 soldiers died fighting for the Republicans (2,000 Germans, 1,000 French, 900 Americans, 500 British and 500 others).

Around 10,000 Spanish people were killed in bombing raids. The vast majority of these were victims of the German Condor Legion.

The economic blockade of Republican controlled areas caused malnutrition in the civilian population. It is believed that this caused the deaths of around 25,000 people. All told, about 3.3 per cent of the Spanish population died during the war with another 7.5 per cent being injured.

After the war it is believed that the government of General Francisco Franco arranged the executions of 100,000 Republican prisoners. It is estimated that another 35,000 Republicans died in concentration camps in the years that followed the war.

After the war Franco established a fascist government and on 7th April 1938 joined the Anti-Comintern Pact. However, Franco declared the neutrality of Spain on the outbreak of the Second World War. Adolf Hitler tried hard to get Franco to change his mind. In their negotiations Franco demanded that in any postwar settlement he wanted control of Gibraltar, French Morocco, a portion of Algeria including Oran, and parts of Africa.

Franco's main demand was that Germany had to fully compensate Spain for the cost of any British blockade of the country. Hitler was in no position to take on this burden and the negotiations came to an end. However, Franco did agree to provide logistical and intelligence support and promised to send a volunteer force, the Spanish Blue Division, to help the fight against communism in Europe.

After the defeat of France in May 1940, Adolf Hitler resumed negotiations with Francisco Franco. The two men met at Hendaye on 23rd October 1940. Hitler's main request was for his troops to travel through Spain to link up with an airbourne assault in Gibraltar. Franco, who believed that Germany would not win a long war, refused. Instead, he asked for arms so that Spain could capture Gibraltar. Afterwards Hitler remarked that he would rather visit the dentist to have his teeth removed than have another meeting with Franco.

Franco did consider invading Gibraltar while Britain was involved in the war with Nazi Germany. However, he decided against this move when he was informed that if this happened, British forces would take the Canary Islands.

In October 1943, Francisco Franco recalled the Spanish Blue Division from the Soviet Union. Convinced that the Axis powers would be defeated, Franco now began to openly support the Allies in the war with Germany.

Rocky Mountain News

Wed. May 22, 1996 Legal Notices Section

The legal notices here displayed concern property seized by Federal agents as booty under Admiralty law. Notice is required so that anyone who might have an interest in the property seized has opportunity to seek to protect his interest.

One would not be wise to attempt this, though. Most likely, any excuse will be used to allege that the party claiming interest in the property was a party to the alleged offense that resulted in the original seizure.

The allegation is enough to justify the taking of property – under Admiralty law guilt is presumed. The claimant might well lose other property not yet in the hands of these land going pirates, even though no actual conviction of any offense is ever entered. Check your local paper’s legal notices. Look into the cases cited and see if any conviction occurs – or if any charges were even filed – against the persons whose property was seized.

Colorado is a long ways from the ocean. Admiralty law is farther still from the common law recognized under Federal and State constitutions.

For many years rumors have been spread through the United States concerning the origin and meaning of the gold fringe which frequently decorates the Stars and Stripes. It has been claimed that such fringe is without proper authorization that it is symbolic of the end of the gold standard as the basis for United States currency or that it indicates the substitution of admiralty courts and martial law for common law courts and procedures, as part of a conspiracy supposedly instigated by Communists, Jews, Masons, liberals, feminists, homosexuals, or other “un-American” groups. Many of these claims are spread by radio talk programs, cassette tapes, lectures and other non-written form. The following can be stated with certainty:

Executive Orders And Laws relating to National Emergencies Laws http://www.disastercenter.com/laworder/50chap34.htm

Forward to to every American Voter ALIVE…
When does a Non-Constitutional Gold Fringe Flag
Florida Supreme Court have the rights to VIOLATE
Voters Rights Stopping the Counts of We The People.?
You Violated Our Constitution, operating under

In light of the legal events in Florida… study this one more time!
The Original 13th Article of Amendment

The “Bar” Treaty of 1947
Effectively Tying the Bar Associations of the Respective
Pan-American States Together and subverting our Constitution to
United Nations International Law

Admiralty law: seizure and forfeiture

By Jim Welch
I would like to bring up a most important point regarding the application of Admiralty Law against the American people.

An example is the below case. Others occur on a daily basis throughout the United States with every seizure of property without the property owner being charged in any crime. Rather they “charge” the property with the crime and seize the property.

Here is the point. The application of Admiralty Law against the People was one of the main causes of the Revolutionary War. The Founders were adamant in their opposition to this practice and there was never any provision for this oppression allowed in the Constitution.

Rather, just the opposite is evidenced by three documents. The Declaration of Independence was actually the third Declaration issued by the Founders. The Declaration of Independence culminated the frustrations of the Colonies because Great Britian ignored the pleas to correct the injustices listed in the 2 earlier Declarations. AND BOTH LISTED THE APPLICATION OF ADMIRALTY LAW AGAINST THE PEOPLE AS A GRIEVANCE!

The first Declaration was the, “DECLARATION AND RESOLVES OF THE FIRST

I wish to underscore the significance of placing this grievance in the FIRST paragraph of this declaration of grievances. In the FIRST paragraph, our Founding Fathers stated:

“Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British parliament, claiming a power, of right, to bind the people of America by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath, in some acts, expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board, with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties , but for the trial of causes merely arising within the
body of a county.”

NOTES: The “last war” they are referring to is the “French and Indian War.” Please notice the Founder’s objection to the extension of Courts of Admiralty. These Courts were to operate on the high seas, and to serve as collectors for duties on imported goods or fees associated with ships as well as administering the “Prize Courts” (the seizure of property). These courts, however, were not supposed to be applied on land against the people. On land, the People were to be served by “Common Law.” They were never supposed to be used “for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county.”

Great Britian ignored the first declaration, and so the following year, the Founders went on to again bring up this grievance in the second declaration issued on July 6, 1775. This Declaration is known as, “THE DECLARATION OF THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS.”

In this declaration the Founders state:

“These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable plunder.” (MY NOTE: Please understand the preceeding sentence. Today is a carbon copy repeat of this philosphy of government)

“The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations.

Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it.

They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable priviledge of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another and for altering fundamentally the form of
government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown for exempting the ‘murderers’ of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences shall be transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases what so ever. What is to defend us against so enormous so unlimited a power?”

Please once again notice the position in their list of grievances where the Founders place this policy of “…extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty ….” They placed this grievance BEFORE objecting to not having a trial by jury, BEFORE the suspension of one of the legislatures of one of the Colonies (equal to suspending the legislature of one of our States), BEFORE their complaint of the central government (Great Britain) changing the very system of our government, and even BEFORE complaining that the central government was “…exempting the ‘murderers’ of colonists from legal trial…!”

Indeed, the Founders strenously objected to applying Admiralty Law against the people! The third proof is found in the Constitution itself, in the Bill of Rights. The Fourth Amendment guarantees, “The Right of the People to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ….”

And the 5th Amendment states, “No person shall…be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of Law nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.”

Just what kind of Law does the Constitution refer to, when it speaks of the
people being subjected to?

The 7th Amendment gives that answer.

It says, “In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed 20 dollars, the Right of trial by jury shall be preserved and no fact, tried by a jury shall be reexamined in any Court of the United States than according to the rules of the Common Law.”

Please note it does not leave any wiggle room. The Law we are to be subjected to in any controversy exceeding 20 dollars is the Common Law! NOT ADMIRALTY LAW!

And, YES!, this abridgement of our Liberties is as serious today as it was in 1775!

Sent: Saturday, April 28, 2001 12:13 PM




3-E: 1 United States Flag Display. The flag of the United States of America shall be displayed in state facilities in accordance with federal law.

United States flags used by the military for military purposes shall be exempt from the provisions of this chapter. (emphasis added)


A provincial government is autonomous of other provinces within the Republic. Each province is governed by two main elected branches of the government: executive and legislative. Judicial affairs are separated from provincial governance and are administered by the Supreme Court of the Philippines. Each province has at least one branch of a Regional Trial Court.

Executive Edit

The provincial governor is chief executive and head of each province. Elected to a term of three years and limited to three consecutive terms, he or she appoints the directors of each provincial department which include the office of administration, engineering office, information office, legal office, and treasury office.

Legislative Edit

The vice governor acts as the president for each Sangguniang Panlalawigan (SP "Provincial Board"), the province's legislative body. Every SP is composed of regularly elected members from provincial districts, as well as ex officio members. The number of regularly elected SP members allotted to each province is determined by its income class. First- and second-class provinces are provided ten regular SP members third- and fourth-class provinces have eight, while fifth- and sixth-class provinces have six. Exceptions are provinces with more than five congressional districts, such as Cavite with 16 regularly elected SP members, and Cebu, Negros Occidental and Pangasinan which have twelve each.

Every SP has designated seats for ex officio members, given to the respective local presidents of the Association of Barangay Captains (ABC), Philippine Councilors' League (PCL), and Sangguniang Kabataan (SK "Youth Council").

The vice governor and regular members of an SP are elected by the voters within the province. Ex officio members are elected by members of their respective organisations.

Relation to other levels of government Edit

National government Edit

National intrusion into the affairs of each provincial government is limited by the Philippine Constitution. The President of the Philippines however coordinates with provincial administrators through the Department of the Interior and Local Government. For purposes of national representation, each province is guaranteed its own congressional district. One congressional representative represents each district in the House of Representatives. Senatorial representation is elected at an at-large basis and not apportioned through territory-based districts.

Cities and municipalities Edit

Those classified as either "highly urbanized" or "independent component" cities are independent from the province, as provided for in Section 29 of the Local Government Code of 1991. [2] Although such a city is a self-governing second-level entity, in many cases it is often presented as part of the province in which it is geographically located, or in the case of Zamboanga City, the province it last formed part the congressional representation of.

Local government units classified as "component" cities and municipalities are under the jurisdiction of the provincial government. In order to make sure that all component city or municipal governments act within the scope of their prescribed powers and functions, the Local Government Code mandates the provincial governor to review executive orders issued by mayors, and the Sangguniang Panlalawigan to review legislation by the Sangguniang Panlungsod (City Council) or Sangguniang Bayan (Municipal Council), of all component cities and municipalities under the province's jurisdiction. [2]

Barangays Edit

The provincial government does not have direct relations with individual barangays. Supervision over a barangay government is the mandate of the mayor and the Sanggunian of the component city or municipality of which the barangay in question is a part. [2]

Classification Edit

Provinces are classified according to average annual income based on the previous 4 calendar years. Effective July 29, 2008, the thresholds for the income classes for cities are: [3] [ needs update ]

Class Average annual income
First ₱450 million or more
Second ₱360 million or more but less than ₱450 million
Third ₱270 million or more but less than ₱360 million
Fourth ₱180 million or more but less than ₱270 million
Fifth ₱90 million or more but less than ₱180 million
Sixth below ₱90 million

A province's income class determines the size of the membership of its Sangguniang Panlalawigan, and also how much it can spend on certain items, or procure through certain means. [2]

  1. ^ Dates could refer to provincehood as established during the Spanish period, American period, or through Republic Acts.
  2. ^Metro Manila is included for comparison although it is not a province but an administrative region.

Table notes Edit

  1. ^ Figures include the independent city of Butuan.
  2. ^ Cabadbaran has been made the official capital of the province, as per Republic Act No. 8811. However, the seat of the provincial government is still in the process of being transferred from Butuan, where the provincial government still holds office.
  3. ^ The province maintains another government center in Luna, where many national and provincial agencies now hold office. [11]
  4. ^ Figures include the city of Isabela.
  5. ^ The city of Isabela is regionally served by the offices of Region IX.
  6. ^ Figures include the independent city of Baguio.
  7. ^ Figures include the independent city of Naga.
  8. ^ Figures include the independent cities of Cebu, Lapu-Lapu and Mandaue.
  9. ^ Figures include the independent city of Davao.
  10. ^ Figures include the independent city of Iloilo.
  11. ^ Figures include the independent city of Santiago.
  12. ^ Figures include the independent city of Iligan.
  13. ^ Figures include the independent cities of Ormoc and Tacloban.
  14. ^ Figures include the independent city of Cotabato.
  15. ^ Figures include the independent city of Cagayan de Oro.
  16. ^ Figures include the independent city of Bacolod.
  17. ^ The provincial government still uses and maintains facilities in the former capital, Cabanatuan.
  18. ^ Figures include the independent city of Puerto Princesa.
  19. ^ Figures include the independent city of Angeles.
  20. ^ Figures include the independent city of Dagupan.
  21. ^ Figures include the independent city of Lucena.
  22. ^ Figures include the independent city of General Santos.
  23. ^ Figures include the independent city of Olongapo.
  24. ^ Figures include the independent city of Zamboanga.

Former provinces Edit

    (until 1901) – Incorporated into Rizal portions around Manila later consolidated to form present-day NCR. (1902–1908) – Incorporated into Mountain Province. (1903–1913) – Converted to the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, composed of seven provinces. Now part of several regions in Mindanao. (1901–1908) – Divided into Camarines Norte and Camarines Sur, although the wording of Act No. 2809 implies Camarines Norte was created from Ambos Camarines, the remainder of which was renamed Camarines Sur. Camarines Sur retained the provincial capital of Nueva Caceres. (1901–1939) – Partitioned into Misamis Occidental and Misamis Oriental. Misamis Oriental retained the provincial capital of Cagayan. (1902–1950) – Divided into Occidental Mindoro and Oriental Mindoro. Oriental Mindoro retained the provincial capital of Calapan. (1914–1952) – Partitioned into Zamboanga del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur. The de jure provincial capital of Molave was placed under the jurisdiction of Zamboanga del Sur which had its capital in Pagadian. Zamboanga Sibugay later created from Zamboanga del Sur. (1914–1959) – Divided into Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur. Lanao del Sur retained the provincial capital of Dansalan (now Marawi). (1901–1967) – Partitioned into Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur. Surigao del Norte retained the provincial capital of Surigao City and the provincial seal. The province of Dinagat Islands was later created from Surigao del Norte. (1914–1967 1972–1998) – Divided into Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur and Davao Oriental. Davao del Norte was officially known as Davao from 1972 to 1998, when Compostela Valley (now Davao de Oro) was later created from Davao province. Davao Occidental later created from Davao del Sur. (1907–1967) – Partitioned into Agusan del Norte and Agusan del Sur. Agusan del Norte retained the former provincial capital of Butuan. The provincial capital was officially transferred to Cabadbaran in 2000 but the provincial government services and functions are yet to be completely transferred to the new capital. [38] (1985–1986) – Batas Pambansa Blg. 885, [39] which created a new province out of the northern part of Negros Occidental, took effect on December 23, 1985, with a plebiscite to ratify the law held on January 3, 1986. The province comprised the present-day cities of Cadiz (which was to serve as the capital), Escalante, Sagay, San Carlos, Silay and Victorias, as well as the municipalities of Calatrava, Enrique B. Magalona, Manapla, Salvador Benedicto and Toboso. Despite voters ratifying Batas Pambansa Blg. 885, on July 11, 1986 the Supreme Court declared the law and the proclamation of the province null and void. The ruling states the enabling law was unconstitutional for, among other things, not including the rest of Negros Occidental in the plebiscite, and the proposed province not meeting the 3,500 square kilometre land area requirement of the 1983 Local Government Code. [40] (1966–1995) – Divided into Apayao and Kalinga. Kalinga retained the provincial capital of Tabuk. (2006–2008) – Republic Act No. 9054 conferred to the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao expanded powers, especially the capacity to create provinces (Article VI, Section 19). [41] Based on this, the ARMM Regional Legislative Assembly enacted Muslim Mindanao Autonomy Act No. 201 on August 28, 2006. The Act created a new province, comprising all the municipalities in the first congressional district of Maguindanao (except Cotabato City), with its capital at Datu Odin Sinsuat. The province's creation was approved on October 28, 2006 by a majority vote in a plebiscite. Responding to requests for clarification as to which congressional districts form Shariff Kabunsuan for the 2007 elections (specifically whether Cotabato City was part of the representation of the new province), COMELEC issued Resolution No. 7845, which initially held Cotabato City to be the sole remaining LGU in the First District of Maguindanao. COMELEC later amended this with Resolution No. 7902, which maintained the status quo before the province's creation. The COMELEC resolutions became the subject of a case in which the Supreme Court opined that because "the power to create new a province or city inherently involves the power to create a legislative district"—a power that Congress did not explicitly delegate to the ARMM Regional Assembly—the creation of a province by a lower legislative body (the ARMM Regional Assembly) will necessarily entail the creation of a legislative district for a higher legislative body (Congress). Therefore, on July 16, 2008, the Supreme Court declared Section 19, Article VI of RA No. 9054 unconstitutional, MMA Act No. 201 void, and COMELEC Resolution No. 7902 valid. [42]

Timeline Edit

When the United States acquired the Philippines from Spain in 1898, the islands were divided into four gobiernos (governments), which were further subdivided into provinces and districts. The American administration initially inherited the Spanish divisions and placed them under military government. As insurgencies were pacified, civil government was gradually organized.


By examining the experience of rape in Spain in the 1930s and 1940s, this article explains how the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship dramatically increased the likelihood of women becoming victims of sexual assault. Contrary to what historians often assume, this phenomenon was not the result of rape being deliberately used as a ‘weapon of war’ or as a blunt method of political repression against women. The upsurge in sexual violence was a by-product of structural transformations in the wartime and dictatorial contexts, and it was the direct consequence, rather than the instrument, of the violent imposition of a fascist-inspired regime. Using archival evidence from numerous Spanish archives, the article historicizes rape in a wider cultural, legal, and social context and reveals the essential albeit ambiguous political nature of both wartime and post-war rape. The experience of rape was mostly shaped not by repression but structural factors such as ruralization and social hierarchization, demographic upheavals, exacerbation of violent masculinity models, the proliferation of weapons, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies. Rape became an expression of the nature of power and social and gender relations in Franco's regime.

Sometime in late November 1940, the mayor of a small rural town in the Spanish province of Zaragoza beckoned a 17-year-old girl into his town-hall office. The mayor, who was also the local leader of the fascist party Falange, would provide her with a flour voucher, which her parents needed as bakery-owners. On entering the dimly lit office, the falangist closed the door behind the perplexed girl, knocked her down, and raped her. Afterwards, he handed her the flour voucher and let her go. Footnote 1

The event exemplifies the harrowing ways in which the Francoist dictatorship, led by an amalgamation of fascists, military men, and Catholics, ruled Spanish society after the Civil War. In the brutal post-war context of hunger, repression, and subordination, the tyrannical power of Franco's regime was felt in the most intimate spheres of life, even in remote corners of the country. Footnote 2 Yet it is not only the rape which captures the effects of Francoist dictatorial rule. What happened after the assault is also revealing of the nature of power in Franco's regime.

It was only later that the teenager, who was now pregnant, told her parents about the ordeal. Both illiterate, her parents struggled to initiate a legal action against the mayor, the most powerful man in the village. The mother appeared at the local headquarters of the Civil Guard (Guardia Civil) to report the assault. The guards misleadingly told her to present the complaint to the local court instead. At this court, the judicial secretary refused to take her complaint unless she submitted it in writing – which was impossible. Other members of the local council, Francoist veterans affiliated to Falange, warned the family that ‘if they did not shut up about what they resented the Mayor for, other measures would be taken against them’. Ignoring these threats and despite lacking resources, the father managed to commence criminal proceedings, being assigned a public defender and an attorney. One of these lawyers was an influential member of the Catholic bourgeoisie that rivalled Falange for power in the province. In April 1941, one month after the summary proceedings started, the provincial falangist chief, following orders from the governor, appeared in the town to oust the rapist – his party subordinate – from office. He was preventatively jailed. However, weeks later the girl gave birth to her rapist's child and the father's lawyers renounced their representation of him. Meanwhile, the rapist gathered support from a rich landowner in the town who paid the hefty bail. The new local falangist leader, the parish priest, the judicial secretary, and a Civil Guard officer readied to testify in the rapist's favour. This was a microcosm of the Francoist reactionary coalition that had won the Civil War. Against such colossal enemies, the family had a slim chance of success. In January 1943, two weeks before the trial hearings were scheduled to start, the family ‘pardoned’ the defendant, voluntarily ending the prosecution of the crime. Footnote 3

Rape stories have always inhabited the narratives of the Spanish Civil War and the Franco regime, but the wider history of rape in twentieth-century Spain has never been written. Footnote 4 Historicizing rape is a recent scientific endeavour the most authoritative accounts have demonstrated its constructedness and variability over space and time. Footnote 5 Since the 1990s, the growing study of wartime rape has produced numerous interpretations. Footnote 6 Rape in the context of the World Wars and the Holocaust has received substantial attention. Footnote 7 Yet rape experiences under authoritarian regimes and post-war contexts remain unexplored. The Spanish Civil War needs to be incorporated into a global history of sexual violence in armed conflict. Historians of Francoist repression have rarely examined rape, mostly understanding it as another atrocity committed by the regime against left-wing women. Footnote 8 Historical statistics demonstrate that the number of rape prosecutions in Spain almost tripled between 1935 and 1940, Footnote 9 but the reasons for this dramatic increase cannot be attributed to political repression. While other modalities of gendered violence in Spanish society have been examined, rape has remained largely undiscussed.

This article scrutinizes rape from a broader historical perspective in order to understand the ways in which the Spanish Civil War and the Franco regime influenced the meaning, levels, experiences, and consequences of rape in Spanish society. By analysing ‘wartime rape’ and ‘post-war rape’, this article argues that this form of sexual violence, as a complex cultural construct and intensively social event, reflected the changing nature of political power and gender relations in 1930s and 1940s Spain. I will show how political power was articulated through sexual violence, and how social conditions, wartime practices, and new political structures dramatically transformed the experience of rape for women and men. I draw on the close analysis of a substantial body of evidence retrieved from fourteen Spanish archives located in five different regions. Culture, social relations, politics, and laws hindered the reporting and prosecution of sexual aggression, restricting documentary trace of rape. Silence and the social death of women were inherent to sexual violence in the context of war and dictatorship. Yet, examining hundreds of judicial procedures initiated for cases of rape by both military and civilian justice in wartime and post-war Spain will provide an extraordinary insight into the social and political dynamics involved in the experiences of sexual violence.

The history of rape in the Spanish Civil War and the Franco regime needs to be situated in a longer social and cultural history of sexual violence. Rape is a symbol that encapsulates societal beliefs about sexual violence and abuse. These representations translate into laws, following juridical traditions embedded in specific contexts. In western modernity, conservative, liberal, and feminist traditions have defined and redefined this crime. Footnote 10 This convoluted process transformed rape from being a crime against male property, to a crime against decency, and then a crime against sexual liberty. Spanish penal codes reflected these developments. While the English word ‘rape’, from the Latin rapina (act of robbery), remains in use, the Spanish equivalent violación was a modern innovation of the 1848 Penal Code. Violación differed from the crimes of rapto (‘robbery’ of a person for ‘indecent’ purposes) and estupro (a non-violent loss of virginity, through trickery or false marriage promises). Violación entailed no connotations of kidnapping and abduction but rather of violence and profanation. Pre-modern cultural legacies persisted in law and jurisprudence: rape was categorized as a crime against ‘decency’ (honestidad) in every Spanish Penal Code until the 1980s. Footnote 11 Force or intimidation was needed for rape to exist, and customary understandings often added virginity to the equation. As a nineteenth-century Spanish dictionary defined it, rape was the ‘violent deflowering of a virgin lady’ (desflorar violentamente alguna doncella). Footnote 12 Thus, its prosecution aimed to compensate the violent loss of virginity. Visible traces of a recently torn hymen, certified by medical examination, were often the sole forensic evidence to prove the crime. Yet some visions of femininity considered virginity as a moral, rather than biological, state. Footnote 13 Commentators highlighted the ‘accentuated presumption of decency’ of Latin women. Footnote 14 As a consequence, a complainant's perceived moral behaviour could be used to disprove any physical traces of forced intercourse. Footnote 15 The inclusion of prostitutes as potential victims of crimes against ‘decency’ in the 1928 draft Penal Code was controversial. Footnote 16 Rape was a breach of the hegemonic Catholic morality which policed gender and sexual relations in early twentieth-century Spain. According to the law, only marriage between the perpetrator and the victim quashed penal responsibility for the crime. However, ‘pardoning’ the defendant rather than marriage became an increasingly acceptable settlement. Jurists argued that this legal precept became a ‘source of negotiations and chantage’ by the accusers, Footnote 17 yet in reality it led to the accused exerting pressure over the victims to avoid prison sentences of up to twenty years.

If language and culture shaped legal codification, myths and beliefs determined jurisprudence and law enforcement. The legend of a queen who disproved a woman's rape complaint by showing that it was impossible to sheath a sword into a ‘vibrating scabbard’ circulated in modern Spain. European manuals of forensic medicine throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries reproduced this narrative attributed to Voltaire. Footnote 18 Yet Cervantes’s Quixote (1615), a Spanish cultural marker, already contained an earlier version of this rape myth. Footnote 19 In the 1920s, myths about false rape accusations, disseminated through publications, Footnote 20 were common currency in Spanish society. When a draft Penal Code was published in 1928, the Civil Guard's official journal instructed law enforcement agents regarding the Code's article on rape. In their commentary, the journal editors, citing the Voltairean rape legend, alerted readers to the unlikeliness of a truthful rape accusation. Footnote 21 In 1933, a married man posing as a medical student in Madrid premeditated the rape of a minor who he was dating by reading medical texts on the hymen and ‘virginity’. After a long judicial process, he was absolved of both violación and estupro, while the judge condemned him for the misdemeanour of using a false identity. Footnote 22 By 1931, when the Second Republic endeavoured modernizing changes in Spanish society, deeply rooted misogynist views pervaded the attitudes of rape perpetrators, police agents, and judges.

Historians have depicted 1930s Spain as a European country at the crossroads of modernity and tradition, revolution and reaction. Changing gender relations, shifting masculinity and femininity ideals, and women's status in society reflected the tensions of modernization. Footnote 23 Women gradually entered the public sphere, increased their education, organized feminist movements, embraced anarchism and communism, and obtained voting rights in the Constitution of 1931. Falling birth rates demonstrate women's increasing capacity to control their bodies. The democratic Republic legalized divorce in 1932, overcoming the opposition of Catholic parties. Since the late 1920s, the hypermasculine ideal of Don Juan, the irresponsible and disrespectful womanizer, was subjected to scathing public critique. A new masculinity model, based on values of industriousness, compromise with family and fatherhood, self-control and sexual moderation, emerged. Footnote 24 Simultaneously, however, conservative and anti-feminist groups strived to drive women back home. Catholic morality dominated non-industrial regions of Spain. After 1933, women sustained the conservative Catholic reaction against the Republic. In 1934, the fascist party Falange Española created its Female Section (Sección Femenina), rallying together more than 2,000 women by mid-1936. Footnote 25 Misogynist views were common, particularly among conservative and military groups. ‘Africanista’ military officers such as Francisco Franco, glorifying their ‘virile’ experience in the 1920s Rif War, cultivated a heroic-aggressive masculinity which made the physical abuse of prostitutes a routine part of the troops’ leisure. Footnote 26 During the October 1934 socialist insurrection of Asturias, which was crushed by Franco's troops, stories and accusations of rape came from both the political left and right. Footnote 27 Rape, however, was rarely a matter of public discussion, even if sexual violence was a feature of everyday life.

Before, during, and after the 1936–9 war, the most common experiences of rape in Spain were relatively unpolitical. As a largely rural country, the living conditions of the countryside shaped experiences of sexual violence. From the 1930s to the late 1950s, there was a clear predominance of ‘rural rape’. Rural rape was not merely sexual assault committed in a non-urban space it was an aggressive act committed in connection with the working routines and social relations of agricultural life. In the rural household economy, women conducted nearly the same tasks as men. Footnote 28 Contrary to contemporary vilification of urban life as immoral and corruptive, women were not safer in villages than in cities. Indeed, modernization and urbanization contributed to reducing the perceived likelihood of assault. In 1906, when a small Aragonese village installed nocturnal electric lightning, women celebrated the innovation with relief: leaving home before dawn to bake bread no longer involved the same risks. Footnote 29 Yet as contemporary analysts believed, rural rape was the most common form of sexual assault in fundamentally agricultural societies such as Italy, France, or the Iberian Peninsula. Footnote 30

Women and girls from small localities who partook in daily agricultural labour routines were often the victims of sexual violence by family members, neighbours, and strangers alike. In 1930, in Codo (Zaragoza), a 30-year-old married man housed a 15-year-old girl who worked with his family during harvest. One night the man sneaked into her room and threw himself on top of the girl. Forcibly silenced, the girl was sexually penetrated. Footnote 31 Rural women who went deep into surrounding fields, forests, or hills, through footpaths, roads, or tracks, also risked assault. In September 1940, a 41-year-old widow, while ‘collecting firewood in the forest called Plain of Hell’, close to the mountainous Catalan village Esterri d’Àneu, was assaulted by ‘her village neighbour’, a 17-year-old farmer who arrived and ‘without saying a single word…jumped on her’, as she later reported. Footnote 32 The care of livestock and domestic animals by women and girls offered innumerable occasions for men to corner their victims. In early 1936, in an olive grove near Seville, a male day-labourer sexually abused an 11-year-old girl, who ‘was roaming around in search of some pigs’. Footnote 33 In 1944, a 24-year-old woman left her home to deliver a goat to a shepherd on the outskirts of Maluenda. On arriving, the shepherd asked her to lead the goat to his hut further away. Once there, their interaction ended in a rape. Footnote 34 Women suffered rapes and attempted sexual assaults, while ‘filling up hay sacks inside a hay hut’, Footnote 35 while ‘returning alone after working with father in a field’, Footnote 36 while ‘cleaning beetroots’, Footnote 37 whilst she was ‘looking after her father's cattle’, Footnote 38 when her ‘purpose was to collect grass…and after some argument…about misplaced cabbages, they went to a nearby pear field’. Footnote 39 Rapes in the context of local festivals slowly also emerge in the sources, Footnote 40 but cases in the context of everyday female rural labour were significantly more common.

In Spanish urban life, sexual violence showed specific characteristics. In September 1931, a 26-year-old attorney called a 17-year-old manicurist to his domicile in central Madrid, telling her that she would be doing the nails of ‘a mother and her daughter’. When she arrived, he claimed that the manicure service was for him. She immediately tried to leave, but the man blocked her way, dragging her into a room where he ‘deflowered’ her. Footnote 41 But cases where both victim and perpetrator belonged to urban bourgeois socio-professional groups were rare. Most urban rape victims were domestic servants (sirvientas), young women from a poor rural background, who lodged in the houses of the families they served. Footnote 42 Unwanted pregnancies of sirvientas were typically the result of seduction and assault by any men living in the house. Footnote 43 A servant in the small city of Martos (Jaén), was violated by the son of her employer in early 1942, two years after she started the job. Footnote 44 An 18-year-old maid from a village spent only twenty days serving a bourgeois family in the city of Zaragoza during Christmas 1944 before she was attacked. At the first occasion they were alone, the young gentleman (señorito) of the house violently tried to force himself on her. Footnote 45 These women were targeted by not only host family members, but neighbours, other domestic employees, occasional guests, Footnote 46 or opportunist rapists. Footnote 47 These realities led to illegal abortions, infanticides, Footnote 48 and loss of employment, which usually resulted in ‘dishonoured’ women initiating themselves in the sex trade. Footnote 49 In the early twentieth century, between 30 and 75 per cent of registered prostitutes in Spanish cities were former domestic servants, while the portion of the urban female population employed as domestic servants oscillated between 1 and 14 per cent. Footnote 50 The Civil War and the post-war regime, by provoking ruralization and social hierarchization, Footnote 51 increased these realities. Between 1938 and 1955, less than 20 per cent of rape court cases in the province of Zaragoza happened in the capital, while the city accounted for over 40 per cent of the total population of this persistently rural province. Footnote 52 Structural factors, rather than the use of rape as a repressive instrument, were behind the higher levels of rape perpetration in wartime and post-war Spain.

Rape stories went into immediate circulation after the coup d’état by a group of anti-Republican officers between 17 and 19 July 1936, which led to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Rebel General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano, an exponent of the africanista military sub-culture, became notorious for having allegedly encouraged the rape of left-wing women in his sadistic propaganda speeches given on radio from Seville. Footnote 53 Queipo's broadcasts repeatedly incited the murder of ‘Marxists’. In late August 1936, he jokingly made a repugnant veiled allusion to the rape of militiawomen by Moroccan indigenous troops (regulares). Footnote 54 Journalist Arthur Koestler reproduced a stylized version of Queipo's words – wrongly dated on 23 July – which has been uncritically reprinted on numerous occasions since. Footnote 55 Queipo did allude to rape in one of his broadcasts on 23 July. He did so, however, to claim that a republican general had ordered the Popular Front militias to ‘rape the women of the fascists’ in Seville. Footnote 56 These calumnies were only the beginning of a long war of atrocity propaganda, Footnote 57 in which both sides denounced rapes by the enemy.

Historians have tried to determine whether the Republican representations of raping ‘moors’ correspond to a reality or to racial stereotyping. Footnote 58 Republican propaganda depicted the regulares’ sexual violence as part of a broader criminal behaviour that included looting and pillaging. There is a kernel of truth in this portrayal. The brutality of Francoist troops was a continuation of the realities experienced in the Moroccan protectorate. Footnote 59 Advancing towards Madrid, africanista commanders, such as Yagüe and Castejón, gave their troops the opportunity to plunder villages and towns. The violation of women ensued. Massacres provoked the exodus of civilians seeking refuge in hills, fleeing to Madrid, or crossing the Portuguese border. A Portuguese witness remembered the arrival of naked Spanish girls, rape victims, covering their genitals ‘with straw and a napkin’ (com estevas e um lenço). Footnote 60 The Portuguese were fearful of offering assistance, with Portuguese authorities recommending avoiding raped refugees for fear of infection from venereal disease. Footnote 61 In late August 1936, during the few hours the rebels controlled Peguerinos (Ávila), the regulares combed the village, chasing out hiding women from cellars and subjecting them to ‘horrendous assault’. Footnote 62 Several foreign journalists reported that rebel officers routinely handed captured militiawomen to the ‘moors’ in the province of Toledo. Footnote 63 In this context, the primary function of rape was rewarding mercenary troops. Yet scrutinizing the behaviour of Moroccan soldiers only yields an incomplete picture. While oral testimonies have attributed rapes to the ‘moors’, contemporary written sources attributed them to falangists. Footnote 64

While it is debatable whether the tolerance of rape by rebel commanders corresponds to a strategy of using rape as a ‘weapon of war’, Footnote 65 sexual violence against women was a common occurrence in the context of a bloody campaign of extermination of the left. Andalusia and Extremadura under Queipo's rule were the scene of the most extreme violence. Footnote 66 Most documented instances of wartime rape in Francoist Spain occurred in these southern regions in the first months of the war, with falangists, traditionalist militiamen (requetés), legionnaires, and regulares brutally crushing left-wing resistance and murdering thousands. In northern regions under rebel control, the extermination of the left was implemented with similar methods, but there is limited evidence of rape. Nevertheless, everywhere leftist women became the target of repression. Hundreds were assassinated. Although rumours surrounding the rape of leftist women before their murder circulated since the war, a close analysis of cases provides an ambiguous picture. Footnote 67 Few killings were preceded by sexual violence. Rather than raping women through a repressive logic of political violence, rebels sometimes murdered women ‘for the exclusive purpose of rape’. Footnote 68 Most female victims of Francoist repression were not raped but publicly humiliated through gender-specific punishments, such as having their head shaved off and the forced ingestion of castor oil. Footnote 69

The few court-martials that followed the rebels’ sexual crimes show their opportunistic nature and how rape crimes were silenced. Most perpetrators followed a common modus operandi. Under the pretence of conducting police tasks, they accessed and isolated their victims. Footnote 70 In mid-September 1936, a unit of mounted volunteers (caballistas) occupied the small village of Cuevas de San Marcos (Málaga). Soon a rumour circulated: some caballistas had abused a 17-year-old girl. A caballista had raped her at knifepoint during a house search, while another blocked the door. The perpetrator then told the girl that ‘if she said anything about it, they would kill her’. Footnote 71 The lawsuit was settled after the girl ‘pardoned’ the defendant. However, since the whereabouts of the raped girl's father were still unknown, the provincial gazette announced the ‘ongoing lawsuit for rape’ under her name, making her sexual assault public. The investigation revealed that, in the same village, caballistas had also raped a 35-year-old woman whose husband had fled. Three men raped her in a house where she had sought refuge. Interrogated, the woman declared that she had not reported the assault because she was ‘afraid and also because she was a married woman…so that her husband wouldn't find out’. Footnote 72 The military judge dismissed the lawsuit, believing the perpetrators’ claim that the victim had willingly had sex with them, and citing negative reports about the woman's moral behaviour. In Loja (Granada) in October 1936, falangists used similar methods to rape two teenagers. But the falangist chief and author of the rapes was the brother-in-law of the military auditor who dismissed the lawsuit. Footnote 73 In the same town the following month, four women, wives of hiding leftists, reported a number of sexual assaults by the local leader of a Francoist militia. Footnote 74 The man had molested them in the course of searches, threatening the women with being shot. Yet, the women made the complaint only after being imprisoned together. Rape victims typically were the wives and daughters of local leftists who were either hiding, already assassinated, or imprisoned often illiterate, these women were isolated and in highly vulnerable situations. Footnote 75

The Francoist failure to conquer Madrid in November 1936 led to a long war. Strategic and contextual changes had an impact in the modalities and levels of wartime rape. Francoists intensified their propaganda to gain international and national prestige and took measures to reduce the brutal conduct of their troops. Rape was rarely a cause of explicit concern, but after one year of war, commanders implemented punishments and court-martials for soldiers accused of sexual assault. They also attempted to prevent sexual violence. When the Francoist army conquered the town of Bronchales (Teruel) in July 1937, Moroccan soldiers from the 52 Division plundered the village and raped some of the few women that had not previously fled. Footnote 76 The case of a ‘decent’ woman (i.e. not a ‘red’) who had been raped, ‘apparently in the presence of her husband’, was brought to the attention of General Ponte, the Francoist commander of the region. Footnote 77 Considering these ‘grave facts’ inacceptable, Ponte suggested to the 52 Division commander to impose an exemplary and public punishment upon the perpetrator of the ‘atrocity’ (salvajada) and ‘discretely’ offer the victim economic compensation. Ponte acknowledged the ‘efficacy’ of ‘moor troops’. However, he ordered that theretofore they were not to participate in the occupation of villages, but instead they were to be deployed in nearby strategic locations. There were other soft measures to prevent rapes. In late 1938, a soldier mistakenly accused of rape explained that he would never have done that, particularly as ‘commanders had warned them much against it’. Footnote 78 The proliferation of brothels in rear-guard cities catered to the soldiers’ demands for sex, although the boom in sex work was probably an outcome of the previous wartime surge in sexual violence. While it is unclear whether rape by soldiers decreased, the abuse and rape of prostitutes was common. Footnote 79 In fact, the 1938–9 Francoist offensives in Aragón and Catalonia produced new cases of rape attributed to regulares. The perpetrators were, however, roaming gangs of uncontrolled Moroccan soldiers who, pretending to search for weapons and hiding ‘reds’, broke into farms and family houses with criminal intentions. Footnote 80 This was an extension of behaviours earlier tolerated by the rebels. The increasing flight of refugees, mostly women and children, from Francoist advance was the prime cause in the decrease of frontline rape cases.

Total war mobilization meant that women faced another type of sexual violence that can be defined as rear-guard rape. In areas with stable frontlines or far from the fronts, military units were stationed in villages, where civilians billeted the troops and provided them with food and services. Romantic and sexual relations with soldiers were common. On occasions, however, soldiers approached women with other intentions in mind. Footnote 81 In August 1938, in a village near the Catalan front, a sergeant approached a house he had been frequenting. He found the daughter of the family and asked her ‘if she had any melons’. As soon as he realized the parents of the 23-year-old were absent, he tried to rape her in the melon field. Footnote 82 In October 1938, in Caspe (Zaragoza), a 22-year-old soldier who had just been on furlough after eighteenth months at the front, crossed paths with a 28-year-old woman. Without saying a word, he brutally assaulted her, tying his belt around her neck and dragging her to a field. After raping her, he ran away. The doctor who assisted the woman reported the crime, thus initiating a lawsuit. Before the military judge, the rapist declared his will to marry the woman. She declined the marriage offer, but ‘pardoned’ him for the crime. Footnote 83 Not only soldiers, but also civilians took advantage of the fact that men, massively drafted into the army, left female relatives unaccompanied. In a tiny village inside Francoist-held territory in 1938, a 49-year-old man broke into the house of a woman whose husband was at the front. She warded him off, but he retreated saying: ‘you are courageous…but to no avail, because I shall have a shot at all the women who have their husbands away’. Footnote 84 Rather than its instrumentalization by the occupying Francoist army, sudden demographic disorder provoked by wartime mobilization had a higher incidence over the experience of rape.

After the initial ‘hot’ repressive wave, Francoist zones experienced ‘cold’ types of terror. Footnote 85 Women were subjected to new varieties of sexual violence and rape. Throughout the war, falangists used fascist methods to obtain sexual gratification. At 2.30am on 9 June 1937 in Coín (Málaga), a group of local falangists came to the house of a 19-year-old woman who lived with her mother. Claiming that neighbours had denounced her, they brought the teenager to a building allegedly to be interrogated. There, they showed her a copy of the alleged complaint. In front of her, they shredded the document. The group said she would be shaved bald and imprisoned unless she had sex with the four of them. Scared, she complied. Footnote 86 One night in June 1938 in Morón de la Frontera (Seville), a group of falangists pounded the door of a family's house where two sisters aged 17 and 22 – daughters of a woman murdered in 1936 – lived alone. ‘In the name of Falange’, under the threat of a revolver, and with no clear explanation about why the girls were taken away, the men walked them to a grove in the outskirts. The girls must have been terrified, since this was exactly the falangists’ method of murder, the so-called paseos. In the grove, however, they attempted to have sex with the two girls before setting them free. Footnote 87 Not only women and girls in vulnerable positions or relatives of leftists, were the targets of sexual violence others also were subject to the falangists’ abuse. In February 1937, after a dance party in Parauta (Malaga), a falangist boss (jefe de centuria) and his subordinates approached two young women and invited them to come along to another ball in a nearby town. The ladies refused to go with those unknown men so late in the evening. Immediately, the falangist threatened the girls with his gun and ordered one of his men to go and bring castor oil. Intimidated, the women entered the falangists’ car. They drove to another town, where they lodged in a hotel. During the night, two of the falangists broke into the girls’ room and at gunpoint raped them. Footnote 88 In these cases, men instrumentalized firearms and the terror Falange inspired to obtain sex rather than to achieve political ends.

Female prisoners and detainees also became victims of sexual violence. Terror led to a sharp increase in the number of female prisoners and, in turn, horrific prison conditions. Available evidence suggests that the motivation of perpetrators was sexual rather than political, and that sexual aggression took place during arrestation and transportation or in irregular detention centres rather than inside prisons. Footnote 89 Prison guards and authorities singled out young female detainees, brought them out of their cells, pressured them for sex, and sometimes raped them. Very often, the motivation behind arrests of women was not related to their subversive potential, but rather to sex. The mayor and the local commander of the Civil Guard in Brenes (Seville) for months harassed a group of women who were sisters. The men told one: ‘You being so pretty, if you want your sisters to be released from prison the only condition for you is to be docile (complaciente) to us’ she was invited to ‘succumb amorously’ to their advances. Footnote 90 The mayor summoned another of the sisters then he brought her to a house where he forced her to have sex. In a detention centre in Montijo (Badajoz), a falangist targeted a woman in the local detention site. He ‘insisted every day in his intention of sleeping with her’. After she yielded to his pressure ‘to avoid her cousin having her head shaved off’, he ‘promised that if she would do it again, he would ask the Governor to free her from prison’. Footnote 91 Rather than using rape as an instrument of repression, perpetrators of sexual assault sought to exploit the opportunities created by incarceration to access women.

The case of Calanda (Teruel) in 1939 is notorious. Footnote 92 In a context of revenge, abuse, and murder of leftists, the falangist local leader and the council secretary attempted and committed rapes against female detainees, some of whom were also killed. Footnote 93 The key events coincided with the Francoist victory celebrations in March and April 1939. One night, a female detainee was fetched from her cell to a room in the town hall. There, the secretary threatened her with a firearm, telling her that ‘if she did not agree to what he desired’ she would be executed. She did not submit to this threat and wrestled to avoid a forced coitus. The secretary also arrested a 21-year-old woman and pressured her to confess to having been a communist propagandist, which could not be proven. The man then took her hands and propositioned her. She reprimanded him for this conduct, pointing at the crucifix presiding over the office. On a different occasion, the falangist chief followed the same method, bringing another detainee to his office. He started touching her, but she fainted. When she regained consciousness, the man told her ‘how beautiful she was’ he urged her ‘not to say anything about what had happened’ and ordered her to return the next night at the same time. Sexual desires, rather than political hatred, appear to have been the men's key motivation, but their assaults were only possible given the women's condition as political prisoners and the men's position of power. The fact that Francoist authorities pursued a lawsuit for this case is exceptional, but some falangists felt genuine repulsion for the sexual abuse. A party memorandum about the events argued that previous massacres committed by the ‘reds’ during the Republican domination ‘justified to a certain point’ the subsequent crimes committed against leftists, but they could ‘never’ (jamás) justify those crimes of ‘moral nature that had taken place’. Footnote 94 Murder of ‘reds’ was more tolerable than the rape of ‘defenceless women’.

What was the experience of rape in the Republican zone? Historians underline the continuity of Republican legality, with its emphasis on women's rights and emancipation, as well as the revolutionary equalitarianism unleashed by the outbreak of the war, to explain the lower incidence of wartime rape in Republican Spain. Footnote 95 Gruesome stories about revolutionaries raping nuns and girls were mostly pure invention of Francoist atrocity propaganda. In documented cases of rape by Republican militiamen, non-political motivations emerge, even if victims were right-wing women who were executed after the assault. Some imprisoned rightist women were raped during the first months of the war. Footnote 96 This phenomenon, however, differed from the Francoist-held zones in essential ways. Rapes took place in a revolutionary context. When the gang rape of local rightist female detainees became known in Bellvís de Jara (Toledo) in September 1936, a group of women protested in the town council and demanded the liberation of the prisoners. Footnote 97 Such demonstration would have been inconceivable in Francoist-held territory. Yet the politization of rape followed patterns similar to those observed in Franco's Spain. Rapists appropriated the violent practices of war and revolution to facilitate their crimes. Under the pretext of performing searches and interrogations of alleged suspects, Republican militiamen sexually abused women. In January 1937 in Bilbao, a biscuits factory worker was stopped by an armed militiaman. Claiming that he had information provided by spies in the factory ‘that she was fascist’, he said he had ‘orders to kill her on the spot’ but ‘he did not want to’. He started frisking her, forcing her to undress. Finally, he raped her and robbed her of all her valuables. Days after, the victim received a visit from a woman who claimed to be the rapist's wife. The wife begged for her husband not to be killed but instead given a harsh punishment – ‘he had done the same with her, but they had married afterwards’. Footnote 98 The context of war and revolution severely affected the legal prosecution of these crimes. In September 1937 in Madrid, a city under siege, a man charged with the rape of a 16-year-old girl was asked about his political affiliation by a juror of the Popular Tribunal. He belonged to the socialist UGT. Despite overwhelming evidence against him, he was absolved. Footnote 99 As in Francoist territory during the war, in Republican Spain contextual transformations shaped the perpetration, experience, and prosecution of rape.

After the official end of the war, repression of the vanquished continued and the accompanying sexual violence persisted. The 1939 Law of Political Responsibilities imposed economic sanctions on former Popular Front supporters, with thousands of women fined. Footnote 100 In some regions throughout the 1940s, the regime combated the anti-Francoist guerrilla with counterinsurgency methods. The abuse and rape of female suspects of collaboration with the guerrilleros prolonged patterns of the Civil War. Footnote 101 The anti-Francoist press in exile pointed at falangists’ abuses in Franco's Spain, particularly inside prisons ‘in the basement of the Minister of Government in Madrid’, they denounced, women were ‘tortured and raped’. Footnote 102 In historians’ investigations into Francoist women's prisons, however, other kinds of humiliation and punishment, generally implemented by female guardians, were more prevalent than rape. Footnote 103 Moral-religious ‘redemption’ of ‘corrupted’ women was the official objective of the Franco regime. Falangist and Catholic anti-feminist policies aimed to ‘re-educate’ women in religion and social conformity, reinforcing traditional gender roles. Footnote 104

However, the country was rife with sexual extortion at the hands of new political powers, adapting wartime methods to the new situation. After the Francoist occupation of Madrid, the streets were ‘filled with strangers and legionnaires harassing girls’. Footnote 105 In June 1939, a woman from a small village near Huesca complained to the governor that the mayor had made ‘indecent’ proposals to her. The mayor had reminded the woman that a court-martial had condemned her brother for his activities during the ‘red domination’. Footnote 106 Women ‘on their own’, Footnote 107 such as widows, orphans, and relatives of convicts struggling to survive, were subject to such extortions. The boundaries between consensual sex, sexual bartering, prostitution, and rape blurred. Men in positions of power, including Catholic chaplains, Footnote 108 took advantage of the situation and demanded sexual favours from women. A clear distinction between political and unpolitical rapes cannot be drawn.

Revealingly, not only politically powerful men instrumentalized their position to surrender women to their sexual demands violent methods were appropriated for the same purposes by men at large. In Madrid, in November 1940, two men posing as Security Agents stopped a woman in Arriaza street, demanding she should be interrogated. They took the woman to an ‘office unknown to her’, where they ‘tried to abuse her, physically mistreating her’. Footnote 109 This modus operandi recalls the police terror implemented during the Civil War in both Francoist and Republican Spain. Pressure to withdraw accusations of rape also mimicked Francoist repressive methods. In November 1939, a young rape victim from a remote village of the Moncayo range was visited by the municipal judge and another unidentified man ‘wearing a light suit’. Gravely, the unidentified figure said he had come from Madrid to inform her that she must ‘pardon’ her rapist. As she hesitated, the man ‘insisted saying that if the pardon was not given, she would be taken to prison (llevársela presa), he had armed police forces to bring her to prison and she would have to be in jail and also pay’. She thought he was a policeman even if he did not show any credentials. They forced her to stamp her fingerprint on a document – she was illiterate and unable to sign. Footnote 110

The availability of weapons and male entitlement among Francoist veterans were key factors contributing to a higher incidence of assault and new modalities of rape. Footnote 111 In July 1940, an infantry sergeant, a disabled war veteran, followed a 22-year-old woman to her hotel in Cordoba after having seen her in the Malaga express train. He offered to pay for their respective rooms. In the middle of the night, he knocked at her door, which she thoughtlessly opened. He said he wanted to sleep with her. ‘As she said “no”, the sergeant produced a pistol’ and threatened to kill himself if he was not allowed to stay in her room. The situation was saved by the hotel doorman, who reprimanded the sergeant's behaviour. The sergeant replied: ‘if you have ever been a man, remember’, implying that he should be allowed ‘to satiate his indecent purposes’. Footnote 112 Cases of this nature were extremely common. Shortly after the Francoist victory, a young woman had started a formal relationship (noviazgo) with a 20-year-old falangist in Madrid. One year and a half later, he brought her to his place, supposedly to discuss marriage with his father. However, they were met with an empty apartment. The man took out a revolver from his coat pocket and threatened her with death if they did not have sex right there. She rejected outright, but he ‘brutally beat her, knocked her down the corridor, and managed to have forced intercourse’. Footnote 113 In 1944 in Zaragoza, a man who had served with the Spanish Blue Division at the Russian front put into practice his military training to attempt a rape: after breaking into the victim's flat, he ‘shoved her against the wall with his knees on her knees so that she could not kick’, he tied her wrists with a wire, then he ‘covered her mouth with one hand while with the other grabbed her pants’. Footnote 114 Wartime violent practices reappeared in peacetime sexual aggression.

The key agent of Francoist repression in the long post-war period was the Civil Guard their brutal methods left an imprint on the social experience of post-war rape. The Civil Guard, ‘with its coercive character and bad-manners’ as a defence lawyer in a rape case stated as late as 1955, Footnote 115 usually overstepped its legal functions in the treatment of rape cases. The Guards applied irregular methods that are reminiscent of anti-guerrilla warfare to deal with cases of rural rape. Footnote 116 For instance, in December 1942, a woman who lived in a desolate hut near Sástago (Zaragoza) was raped by a wanderer. The man had threatened her life with a knife. Even if she had a leftist past, the Civil Guard commander ordered his men to sweep through the hills to hunt the man. Once captured, they brought him to the woman, who was asked to recount her rape experience for a fourth time before identifying the rapist. Footnote 117 The Civil Guards’ behaviour on many occasions was characterized by not only this callousness but also misogynism and sexual violence. In 1951, four Civil Guards serving at a coastal post in La Línea near Gibraltar encountered a woman with a mental and physical disability rummaging materials on the beach. These Guards routinely punished civilians for picking up lost merchandise brought to shore by the waves. As the woman later told her mother, the Guards brought her inside a lookout post and obliged her ‘to perform coitus with them’. She became pregnant and contracted syphilis as a result. The newborn died. Even though a medical certificate proved that one of the Guards had syphilis, and though the woman recognized another Guard in an identification parade, the lawsuit was dismissed when two other men, ‘spontaneously and voluntarily’, declared that she was a prostitute and that they both had had sex with her in the past. Footnote 118 The fabrication of evidence and the physical abuse of suspects by the Civil Guard in rape cases was not unheard of at the time. Footnote 119 In cities, falangists also performed police functions to deal with sexual offences. Footnote 120 The transformation of Spain into a massive police state in the post-war era created the conditions for these realities.

Considering this context, it is not surprising that crimes against ‘decency’, including sexual crimes, statistically increased after the war. Footnote 121 Yet they remained under-reported. Francoist moral and religious policing did not encourage reporting and prosecuting sexual offences. The young, ‘retarded’ victim of a gang rape in September 1940 felt how ‘everyone stared’ at her during a funeral service in her village. ‘Since that happened with [her rapists]’, she ‘felt much embarrassment’, so she made another woman know that ‘even if the men had entered her room, none of them had done anything to her’. Footnote 122 While this suffocating morality affected women, the post-war exacerbation of a heroic masculinity that exalted male brotherhood helps to explain the emergence of gang rapes that were previously rare occurrences. Footnote 123

The morality of both victims and perpetrators, as well as their political and ideological background, were intensely scrutinized in post-war rape litigations. Even the ‘morality’ of the victims’ mothers was examined. The political language and values of the Franco regime pervaded judicial documentation to an astonishing extent. When a defendant was depicted as a former ‘red’, the chances for conviction increased. In a 1944 rural rape case, the Civil Guard sent the customary report regarding the defendant's record to the prosecutor. The suspect had been a member of the socialist UGT, ‘and a propagandist’, participating in ‘strikes and demonstrations’. A court-martial in 1938 had given him a twenty-year prison sentence yet he had been released in 1944. For the Civil Guard he was ‘a dangerous individual, because his attacks against property, his political ideology, and his morality: considering him in this case author of the rape’. Footnote 124 A prosecutor assessed the behaviour of a 19-year-old rape suspect in these terms: ‘good conduct, but served voluntarily in the Red army’. Footnote 125 Conversely, loyalty to the regime, and particularly to Falange, was an asset. In late 1939, returning home from a festival, a 22-year-old farmer groped his 18-year-old neighbour. The girl's father denounced him for attempted rape. The accused declared that he believed the complaint was motivated by the fact he had ‘served always during the movement in Falange's office, while the victim's father, although not an extremist, seemingly was of left-leaning tendencies’. The local leader of Falange's Female Section highlighted this suspect's ‘irreproachable conduct, morally as well as religiously, his conversations having been with me, and with other girls as I overheard, very decent, never overstepping the mark’. Footnote 126 He was absolved. As late as 1952, the defence attorney of a child abuser thought it relevant to present the abuser's record of collaboration with the Falangist Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU) and the Youth Front, his falangist accreditation as ‘adherent (adicto) to the Glorious National Movement’ and Francoist ex-combatant and medal-holder certifications, among other supposedly exculpating evidence, to the court. Footnote 127 Men's individual political opinions had, in reality, little role in the likelihood they would commit a sexual offence like rape. It was rather the wider social and political conditions and power structures that accounted for the levels and characteristics of rape.

In fact, extreme repression against a wide sector of the male population with a leftist past contributed to the social exclusion, emotional and sexual deprivation, and challenged masculinity of these men. These realities most likely furthered the levels of sexual violence between vanquished men and women. In January 1940, a 31-year-old day-labourer, a former socialist, returned to his hometown after months in a concentration camp. Shunned by neighbours and family members, one day he ‘got the crazy idea’ of breaking into the house of his female cousin and asking her ‘if she wanted to sleep with him’. Footnote 128 In July 1942, a political prisoner was serving twelve years in a forced labour detachment at a quarry near Coria (Seville). His wife arranged a meeting with him. The husband convinced his overseer (another political prisoner) to allow them to meet. The couple were able to have a picnic together near the quarry. But after the husband returned to work, the overseer approached the woman. The overseer had been leering at the couple from a distance. Now he ‘wanted a kiss’ from her. The woman later penned a tormented letter to her husband explaining how the overseer had raped her she was most afraid of his threat: ‘if you tell your husband and I hear about it, I'll send him directly to [illegible]’. She begged her husband to request a transfer to another penitentiary colony as soon as possible. However, the camp authorities intercepted the letter, and a court-martial ensued. The overseer, a former member of the anarchist CNT, was given a harsh sentene. The colonel who commanded the penitentiary detachment gave the sentence ‘maximum publicity among the inmates, so that it will serve as a lesson and example’. Footnote 129 For the same reasons, levels of theft, fraud, and robbery rose dramatically in the post-war period sex-motivated crimes increased as well.

Extreme social hierarchization and the loss of rights by the working classes placed working women in vulnerable positions. Employers’ abusive and unchecked behaviour targeted female factory workers sexually. In 1947, after months of escalating sexual harassment by the manager in a footwear factory, an apprentice refused to work in the storeroom where the manager had isolated her. Threatening her with dismissal and emphasizing that ‘he was the one in charge’, he forced her again to work there, continuing the molestation. At some point, after slapping the apprentice on the face and beating her repeatedly, he raped her. Another female worker witnessed several times how the apprentice left the room ‘dishevelled, crying and with her apron torn’. The witness knew that ‘the same happened with other female employees but they did not want to report it’. Only when the mother observed her daughter's decaying health and constant crying, the victim spoke. Footnote 130 Fear of unemployment, and managers’ power in a country where strikes were considered ‘sedition’ by the regime (there was no significant post-war strike movement until 1946), Footnote 131 explain the apprentice's reluctance to report the crime.

Investigating rape in Franco's Spain allows us to delve into the ambiguous political nature of rape and belies simplistic distinctions between political and unpolitical sexual assault. The Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship provoked an extremely high incidence of rape. Yet there is no reason to distinguish rape committed against left-wing women from the wider historical phenomenon of rape. Available evidence demonstrates that most instances of wartime and post-war rape in Franco's Spain served no conscious political or strategic purposes they were not a weapon of war and repression but rather a direct consequence of these. In the initial stages of the war, rape was tolerated as a method of rewarding rebel troops. Rape was also part of the general criminal conduct of rebels operating at the local level. However, rape was accessory to the exterminatory methods implemented against both enemy women and men. Considered an atrocity by both sides of the war, rape offered no advantages in the conflict, but rather liabilities and embarrassment. Differently to gendered punishments such as head-shaving, rape was hidden from the public and perpetrated by individual initiative for personal reward. Unpolitical sexual and personal motivations most often emerged in the rapes of ‘reds’.

At the same time, however, these crimes were a manifestation of power dynamics established by the Francoist regime. Military rebels and fascists, by destroying rights and legal guarantees, created the conditions for the persecution and oppression of broad sectors of the population. Rape thus articulated the power relationship between defeated women and victorious men. Yet not only the overturning of feminist achievements and imposition of fascist and military rule produced the recurrent sexual victimization of women by men. The extreme levels of wartime and post-war rape were the result of structural transformations provoked by the war and Franco's regime. Ruralization and social hierarchization, the proliferation of weapons, the exacerbation of violent models of hegemonic masculinity, demographic upheavals, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies had a most decisive effect over the experience of rape. These changes particularly placed lower-class, disempowered women at increased risk of sexual aggression, especially by socially and politically powerful men. As an expression of unequal power relations between gendered subjects, and responding to deep structural factors, the experience of rape in Spain transformed dramatically in these traumatic decades of the twentieth century.


Beginning Edit

In the mid-19th century, revolutionary ideas were generally unknown in Spain. The closest thing to a radical movement was found amongst the followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, known as federalists, the most famous of whom was Francesc Pi i Margall (named, upon his death, "the wisest of the federalists, almost an anarchist" by anarchist thinker Ricardo Mella). Ramón de la Sagra was a disciple of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and founded the world's first anarchist journal El Porvenir, which was published for a brief time in Galicia. [2] Feelings later associated with anarchism, like anti-clericalism and distrust of government, were widespread but part of no focused worldview. There was a history of peasant unrest in some parts of the country. This was not related to any political movement, but rather borne out of circumstances. The same was true in the cities long before workers were familiar with anarcho-syndicalism, there were general strikes and other conflicts between workers and their employers.

The earliest successful attempt to introduce anarchism to the Spanish masses came in 1868. A middle-aged revolutionary named Giuseppi Fanelli came to Spain on a journey planned by Mikhail Bakunin in order to recruit members for the First International, an international organization that aimed to unify groups working for the benefit of the working class, which later came to be dominated by Marxists.

Fanelli spoke in French and Italian, so those present could only understand bits of what he was saying, except for one man, Tomás González Morago, who knew French. The effect, however, was the same. Anselmo Lorenzo gives an account of his oratory: "His voice had a metallic tone and was susceptible to all the inflexions appropriate to what he was saying, passing rapidly from accents of anger and menace against tyrants and exploiters to take on those of suffering, regret and consolation. we could understand his expressive mimicry and follow his speech." These workers, longing for something more than the mild radicalism of the day, became the core of the Spanish Anarchist movement, quickly spreading "the Idea" across Spain. The oppressed and marginalized working classes were very susceptible to an ideology attacking institutions they perceived to be oppressive, namely the state with its corruption and brutality, capitalism with its gross divide between wretched poverty and grand wealth, and the supremely powerful and coercive institution of organized religion.

A chapter of the First International was soon set up in Madrid. A few dedicated anarchists, first introduced to "the Idea" by Fanelli, began holding meetings, giving speeches, and attracting new followers. By 1870, the Madrid chapter of the International had gained roughly 2,000 members.

Anarchism gained a much larger following in Barcelona, already a bastion of proletarian rebellion, Luddism, and trade unionism. The already militant working class was, as in Madrid, introduced to the philosophy of anarchism in the late 1860s. In 1869, a section of the International was formed in Barcelona.

These centers of revolutionary activity continued to spread ideas, through speeches, discussions, meetings, and their newspaper, La Solidaridad (English translation: Solidarity). Anarchism had soon taken root throughout Spain, in villages and in cities, and in scores of autonomous organizations. Many of the rural pueblos were already anarchic in structure prior to the spread of "anarchist" ideas.

An important event in these years was the Congress of 1870 in Barcelona, where delegates from 150 workers' associations met, along with thousands of common workers observing ("occupying every seat, filling the hallways, and spilling out beyond the entrance", according to Murray Bookchin). The Spanish section of the International became known as the Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA (Spanish: Federación Regional Española de la Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores) and outlines for future organization were discussed. The Congress had a clear anarchist flavor despite the presence of non-anarchist members of the International from other European nations. It was looked upon with disdain by the mainstream press and the existing political parties, for the Congress openly attacked the political process as an illegitimate means of change and foreshadowed the future power of syndicalist trade unions such as the CNT.

Socialists and liberals within the Spanish Federation sought to reorganize Spain in 1871 into five trade sections with various committees and councils. Many anarchists within the group felt that this was contrary to their belief in decentralization. A year of conflict ensued, in which the anarchists fought the "Authoritarians" within the Federation and eventually expelled them in 1872. In the same year, Mikhail Bakunin was expelled from the International by the Marxists, who were the majority. Anarchists, seeing the hostility from previous allies on the Left, reshaped the nature of their movement in Spain. The Spanish Federation became decentralized, now dependent on action from rank-and-file workers rather than bureaucratic councils that is, a group structured according to anarchist principles.

Early turmoil of 1873–1900 Edit

In the region of Alcoy, workers struck in 1873 for the eight-hour day following much agitation from the anarchists. The conflict turned to violence when police fired on an unarmed crowd, which caused workers to storm City Hall in response. Dozens were dead on each side when the violence ended. Sensational stories were made up by the press about atrocities that never took place: priests crucified, men doused in gasoline and set on fire, etc. [3]

The government quickly moved to suppress the Spanish Federation. Meeting halls were shut down, members jailed, publications banned. Until around the start of the 20th century, proletarian anarchism remained relatively fallow in Spain.

However, anarchist ideas still remained popular in the rural countryside, where destitute peasants waged a lengthy series of unsuccessful rebellions in attempts to create "libertarian communism". Throughout the 1870s, the Spanish Federation drew most of its members from the peasant areas of Andalusia after the decline of its urban following. In the early 1870s, a section of the International was formed in Córdoba, forming a necessary link between the urban and rural movements.

These small gains were largely destroyed by State repression, which by the mid-1870s had forced the entire movement underground. The Spanish Federation faded away, and conventional trade unionism for a while began to replace revolutionary action, although anarchists remained abundant and their ideas not forgotten the liberal nature of this period was perhaps borne out of despair rather than disagreement with revolutionary ideas. Anarchists were left to act as tigres solitarios (roughly "lone tigers") attempts at mass organization, as in the Pact of Union and Solidarity, had some ephemeral success but were destined to failure.

The lack of revolutionary organization led many anarchists to commit acts of violence as a form of direct action, and occasional uprisings broke out, as in Jerez appeared the secret organization La Mano Negra, with the attribution of four murders, and the burning of several crops and buildings. [ citation needed ] The government came to equate anarchism with terrorism and responded in kind.

Six people died in June 1896 when a bomb was thrown at the Corpus Christi procession in Barcelona. Police attributed the act to anarchists who met with the severest repression. As many as 400 people were brought to the dungeons of the castle of Montjuich in Barcelona. International outrage followed reports that the prisoners were brutally tortured: men hanged from ceilings, genitals twisted and burned, fingernails ripped out. Several died before being brought to trial, and five were eventually executed. The Italian anarchist Michele Angiolillo assassinated the Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas in 1897, in part as retaliation for the repression in Barcelona.

The anarchist idea was propagated by many periodicals like El Socialismo started by Fermín Salvochea. Salvochea is considered one of the earliest pioneers in the propagation and organization along anarchist lines. [4]

Rise of syndicalism Edit

Terrorism by extremists became less common around the start of the 20th century. [ citation needed ] Anarchists saw the obvious need for a form of direct action capable of overthrowing the State and capitalism. The idea of syndicalism became popular (or, after the early 1920s, anarcho-syndicalism to differentiate from the reformist syndicalism in other parts of Europe). Purist "Anarchist Communists" were unwilling to adopt syndicalist ideas and became marginalized, although the two groups soon became indistinguishable.

A new organization, the Federation of Workers' Societies of the Spanish Region, was formed in 1900. The organization adopted syndicalism on socialist libertarian principles. Its success was immediate: general strikes swept across Spain within a year. Many of these strikes had no visible leadership but were initiated purely by the working class. As opposed to reformist strikes, many of these strikers made no clear demands (or intentionally absurd demands for example, the demand to be given seven and a half rest hours in an eight-hour day) in some cases workers demanded no less than the end of capitalism. The Spanish government responded harshly to these developments, and the Federation of Workers' Societies was suppressed. But the decentralized nature of anarcho-syndicalism made it impossible to completely destroy and attempts to do so only emboldened the spirit of resistance.

Tragic Week Edit

Two events in 1909 bolstered support for another general strike in Barcelona. A textile factory was shut down, with 800 workers fired. Across the industry, wages were being cut. Workers, even outside the textile industry, began to plan for a general strike. At around the same time, the government announced that military reserves would be called up to fight in Morocco, where tribesmen were skirmishing with Spanish troops. The reservists, mostly working men, were not keen to risk their lives or kill others to protect what they characterised as the interests of Spanish capitalists (the fighting was blocking routes to mines and slowing business). [ citation needed ] Anti-war rallies sprang up across the country, and talk of a general strike could be heard.

The strike began in Barcelona on July 26, a few weeks after the call for reserves was made. It quickly developed into a widespread uprising. Anselmo Lorenzo wrote in a letter: "A social revolution has broken out in Barcelona and it has been started by the people. No one has led it. Neither the Liberals nor Catalan Nationalists, nor Republicans, nor Socialists, nor Anarchists." Police stations were attacked. Railroad lines leading into Barcelona were destroyed. Barricades sprang up in the streets. Eighty churches and monasteries were destroyed by members of the Radical Party (who were generally much less "radical" than anarchists or socialists), and six individuals were killed during the disturbances. After the revolt, about 1,700 individuals were indicted on various charges. Most were let go, but 450 were sentenced. Twelve were given life imprisonment and five were executed, including Francisco Ferrer, who was not even in Barcelona at the time of the insurrection.

Following the Tragic Week, the government began repressing dissidents on a larger scale. Unions were suppressed, newspapers were shut down, and libertarian schools were closed. Catalonia was put under martial law until November. Rather than giving up, the Spanish working class became emboldened and more revolutionary than before, as workers adopted syndicalism as a revolutionary strategy.

Rise of the CNT Edit

The anarchist movement lacked a stable national organization in its early years. Anarchist Juan Gómez Casas discusses the evolution of anarchist organization before the creation of the CNT: "After a period of dispersion, the Workers Federation of the Spanish Region disappeared, to be replaced by the Anarchist Organization of the Spanish Region. This organization then changed, in 1890, into the Solidarity and Assistance Pact, which was itself dissolved in 1896 because of repressive legislation against anarchism and broke into many nuclei and autonomous workers' societies. The scattered remains of the FRE gave rise to Solidaridad Obrera in 1907, the immediate antecedent of the [CNT]."

There was a consensus amongst anarchists in the early 20th century that a new, national labor organization was needed to bring coherency and strength to their movement. This organization, named the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) was formed in October 1910 during a congress of Solidaridad Obrera. During this congress, a resolution was passed declaring that the purpose of the CNT would be to "hasten the integral economic emancipation of the entire working class through the revolutionary expropriation of the bourgeoisie. " The CNT started off fairly small, with about 30,000 members across various unions and confederations.

The national confederation was split into smaller regional ones, which were again broken down into smaller trade unions. Despite this many-tiered structure, bureaucracy was consciously avoided. Initiatives for decisions came largely from the individual unions. There were no paid officials all positions were staffed by common workers. Decisions made by the national delegations did not have to be followed. The CNT was in these respects much different from the comparatively rigid socialist unions.

A general strike was called a mere five days after its founding by triumphant, and perhaps overzealous, workers. It spread across several cities throughout Spain in one city, workers took over the community and killed the mayor. Troops moved into all major cities and the strike was quickly crushed. The CNT was declared an illegal organization, and thus went underground only a week after its founding. A few years later it continued with overt strike actions, as in the general strike organized in tandem with the Socialist-dominated UGT (a rare occurrence, as the two groups were usually at odds) to protest the rising cost of living.

General strike of 1917 Edit

A general strike broke out in 1917, mostly organized by socialists but with notable anarchist activity, particularly in Barcelona. There barricades were built, and strikers tried to stop trolleys from running. The government responded by filling the streets with machine guns. Fighting left seventy people dead. In spite of the violence, the strike's demands were moderate, typical of a socialist strike of the time. [ citation needed ]

CNT following World War I Edit

Spain's economy suffered upon the decline of the wartime economy. Factories closed, unemployment soared and wages declined. Expecting class conflict, especially in light of the then recent Russian Revolution, much of the capitalist class began a bitter war against unions, particularly the CNT. Lockouts became more frequent. Known militants were blacklisted. Pistoleros, or assassins, were hired to kill union leaders. Scores, perhaps hundreds, of anarchists were murdered during this time period. Anarchists responded in turn with a number of assassinations, the most famous of which is the murder of Prime Minister Eduardo Dato Iradier.

The CNT, by this time, had as many as a million members. It retained its focus on direct action and syndicalism this meant that revolutionary currents in Spain were no longer on the fringe, but very much in the mainstream. While it would be false to say that the CNT was entirely anarchist, the prevailing sentiment undoubtedly leaned in that direction. Every member elected to the "National Committee" was an overt anarchist. Most rank and file members espoused anarchist ideas. Indeed, much of Spain seemed to be radiant with revolutionary fervor along with waves of general strikes (as well as mostly successful strikes with specific demands), it was not uncommon to see anarchist literature floating around ordinary places or common workers discussing revolutionary ideas. One powerful opponent from the upper classes (Diaz del Moral) claims that "the total working population" was overcome with the spirit of revolt, that "all were agitators."

Whereas anarchism in Spain was previously disjointed and ephemeral, even the smallest of towns now had organizations and took part in the movement. Different parts of the CNT (unions, regions, etc.) were autonomous and yet inextricably linked. A strike by workers in one field would often lead to solidarity strikes by workers in an entire city. This way, general strikes often were not "called", they simply happened organically.

General strike of 1919 Edit

In 1919, employers at a Barcelona hydroelectric plant, known locally as La Canadiense, cut wages, triggering a 44-day-long and hugely successful general strike with over 100,000 participants. Employers immediately attempted to respond militantly, but the strike had spread much too rapidly. Employees at another plant staged a sit-in supporting their fellow workers. About a week later, all textile employees walked out. Soon after, almost all electrical workers went on strike as well.

Barcelona was placed under martial law, yet the strike continued in full force. The union of newspaper printers warned the newspaper owners in Barcelona that they would not print anything critical of the strikers. The Government in Madrid tried to destroy the strike by calling up all workers for military service, but this call was not heeded, as it was not even printed in the paper. When the call got to Barcelona by word of mouth, the response was yet another strike by all railway and trolley workers.

The Government in Barcelona finally managed to settle the strike, which had effectively crippled the Catalan economy. All of the striking workers demanded an eight-hour day, union recognition, and the rehiring of fired workers. All demands were granted. It was also demanded that all political prisoners be released. The government agreed, but refused to release those currently on trial. Workers responded with shouts of "Free everybody!" and warned that the strike would continue in three days if this demand was not met. Sure enough, this is what occurred. However, members of the Strike Committee and many others were immediately arrested and police effectively stopped the second strike from reaching great proportions.

The Government tried to appease the workers, who were clearly on the verge of insurrection. Tens of thousands of unemployed workers were returned to their jobs. The eight-hour day was declared for all workers. Thus, Spain became the first country in the world to pass a national eight-hour day law, as a result of 1919's general strike.

After the 1919 general strike, increasing violence against CNT organizers, combined with the rise of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (which banned all anarchist organizations and publications), created a lull in anarchist activity. Many anarchists responded to police violence by becoming pistoleros themselves. This was a period of mutual violence, in which anarchist groups including Los Solidarios assassinated political opponents. Many anarchists were killed by gunmen of the other side.

FAI Edit

During the Primo de Rivera years, much of the CNT leadership began to espouse a "moderate" revolutionary syndicalism, ostensibly holding an anarchist outlook but holding that the fulfilment of anarchist hopes would not come immediately, and insisting on the need for a more disciplined and organised trade-union movement in order to work towards libertarian communism. The Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) was formed in 1927 to combat this tendency.

Its organization was based on autonomous affinity groups. The FAI remained a very secretive organization, even after acknowledging its existence two years after its formation. Its surreptitious nature makes it difficult to judge the extent of its membership. Estimates of FAI membership at the time immediately preceding the revolution range from 5,000 to 30,000. Membership dramatically increased during the first few months of the Civil War.

The FAI was not ideally libertarian, being dominated by very aggressive militants such as Juan García Oliver and Buenaventura Durruti. However, it was not authoritarian in its actual methods it allowed freedom of dissent to its members. In fact the overall organization of the FAI was very loose, unlike Bakunin's "Alliance" which was, however, an important precedent in creating an organization for pushing forward anarchist ideology.

The FAI was militantly revolutionary, with actions including bank robberies to acquire funds, and the organization of general strikes, but at times became more opportunist. It supported moderate efforts against the Rivera dictatorship, and in 1936, contributed to establishment of the Popular Front. By the time the anarchist organizations began cooperating with the Republican government, the FAI essentially became a de facto political party and the affinity group model was dropped, not uncontroversially.

Fall of Rivera and the Second Republic Edit

The CNT initially welcomed the Republic as a preferable alternative to dictatorship, while still holding on to the principle that all states are inherently deleterious, if perhaps to varying degrees of severity.

This relationship did not last long, though. A strike by telephone workers led to street fighting between CNT and government forces the army used machine guns against the workers. A similar strike broke out a few weeks later in Seville twenty anarchists were killed and one hundred were wounded after the army besieged a CNT meeting place and destroyed it with artillery. An insurrection occurred in Alto Llobregat, where miners took over the town and raised red and black flags in town halls. These actions provoked harsh government repression and achieved little tangible success. Some of the most active anarchists, including Buenaventura Durruti and Francisco Ascaso, were deported to Spanish territory in Africa. This provoked protest and an insurrection in Terrassa, where, like in Alto Llobregat, workers stormed town halls and raised their flags. Another failed insurrection took place in 1933, when anarchist groups attacked military barracks with the hope that those inside would support them. The government had already learned of these plans, however, and quickly suppressed the revolt.

None of these actions had any success. They resulted in thousands of jailed anarchists and a wounded movement. At the same time, infighting between the syndicalist Treintismo [es] and the insurrectionalist FAI hurt the unity of the anarchist struggle.

Prelude to revolution Edit

The national focus on Republic and reform led the anarchists to cry "Before the ballot boxes, social revolution!" In their view, liberal electoral reforms were futile and undesirable, and impeded the total liberation of the working classes.

An uprising took place in December 1933. Aside from a prison break in Barcelona, no gains were made by revolutionaries before the police quelled the revolt in Catalonia and most of the rest of the country. Zaragoza saw ephemeral insurrection in the form of street fighting and the occupation of certain buildings. [5]

In Casas Viejas, militants quickly surrendered when they were outnumbered by police forces. However, one old anarchist called "Six fingers" barricaded himself in his home with his family and vowed to resist arrest. His house was burned down, his family was killed, and the anarchists who previously surrendered peacefully were shot. This massacre provoked torrents of condemnation, even from conservative Republicans. [ citation needed ]

An important strike took place in April, again in Zaragoza. It lasted five weeks, shutting down most of Zaragoza's economy. Other parts of the country were supportive anarchists in Barcelona took care of the strikers' children (about 13,000 of them) [6] while the CNT federation of Logroño had offered to take care of as many as 5,000. [7]

Asturias Edit

Perhaps the clearest prequel to revolution (and civil war) came in 1934, in the mining districts of Asturias. The strike here was a cooperative effort of communists and anarchists, with the former having more representation, but with events mirroring more closely an anarchist mindset. Communists had some influence, but their numbers were small the Communist Party had perhaps 1,000 members in 1934 compared with the UGT's 1.44 million and the CNT's 1.58 million. [ citation needed ]

The miners' strike began with attacks on barracks of the Civil Guard. In the town of Mieres, police barracks and the town hall were taken over. Strikers moved on, continuing to occupy towns, even the capital of Asturias in Oviedo. Workers had control over most of Asturias, under chants of "Unity, Proletarian brothers!" The ports of Gijón and Avilés remained open. Anarchist militants defending against the imminent arrival of government troops were denied sufficient arms by suspicious communists. So fell the uprising, with great violence upon the rebels, but also with great unity and revolutionary fervor amongst the working classes.

The crushing of the revolt was led by General Francisco Franco, who would later lead a rebellion against the republic and become dictator of Spain. The use of the Foreign Legion and the Moorish Regulares to kill Spaniards caused public outrage. Captured miners faced torture, rape, mutilation, and execution. This foreshadowed the same brutality seen two years later in the Spanish Civil War.

Popular Front Edit

With the growth of right-wing political parties (Gil Robles' conservative Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right, for example), leftist parties felt the need to join together in a "Popular Front." This included Republicans, Socialists, Communists, and other left parties Anarchists were not willing to support it but refused to attack it, either, thus helping it get into power.

The more radical elements of the CNT-FAI were not satisfied with electoral politics. In the months after the Popular Front's rise to power, strikes, demonstrations, and rebellions broke out throughout Spain. Throughout the countryside, almost 5 km 2 of land were taken over by squatters. The Popular Front parties began to lose control. Anarchists would continue to strike even when prudent socialists called it off, taking food from stores when strike funds ran out.

The CNT's national congress in May 1936 had an overtly revolutionary tone. Among the topics discussed were sexual freedom, plans for agrarian communes, and the elimination of social hierarchy.

Individualist anarchism Edit

Spanish individualist anarchism was influenced by American individualist anarchism but it was mainly connected to the French currents. At the start of the 20th century people such as Dorado Montero, Ricardo Mella, Federico Urales, Mariano Gallardo and J. Elizalde translated French and American individualists. Important in this respect were also magazines such as La Idea Libre, La Revista Blanca, Etica, Iniciales, Al margen, Estudios and Nosotros. The most influential thinkers there were Max Stirner, Émile Armand and Han Ryner. Just as in France, Esperanto, anationalism, anarcho-naturism and free love were present as philosophies and practices within Spanish individualist anarchist circles. Later Armand and Ryner started publishing in the Spanish individualist press. Armand's concept of amorous camaraderie had an important role in motivating polyamory as realization of the individual. [8]

Historian Xavier Diez wrote on the subject in El anarquismo individualista en España: 1923-1938. [1] Utopia sexual a la prensa anarquista de Catalunya. La revista Ética-Iniciales (1927–1937) deals with free love thought in Iniciales. [9] Diez reports that the Spanish individualist anarchist press was widely read by members of anarcho-communist groups and by members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. There were also the cases of prominent individualist anarchists such as Federico Urales and Miguel Gimenez Igualada who were members of the CNT and J. Elizalde who was a founding member and first secretary of the Iberian Anarchist Federation. [1]

Federico Urales was an important Catalan individualist anarchist who edited La Revista Blanca. The individualist anarchism of Urales was influenced by Auguste Comte and Charles Darwin. He saw science and reason as a defense against blind servitude to authority. He was critical of influential individualist thinkers such as Friedrich Nietzsche and Stirner for promoting an asocial egoist individualism and instead promoted an individualism with solidarity as a way to guarantee social equality and harmony. In the subject of organization he was highly critical of anarcho-syndicalism as he saw it plagued by too much bureaucracy and thought that it tended towards reformism. He instead favored small groups based on ideological alignment. He supported the establishment of the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) in 1927 and participated in it. [ citation needed ]

An important Spanish individualist anarchist was Miguel Giménez Igualada who wrote the lengthy theory book called Anarchism espousing his individualist anarchism. [10] Between October 1937 and February 1938 he started as editor of the individualist anarchist magazine Nosotros, [8] in which many works of Han Ryner and Émile Armand appeared, and also participated in the publishing of another individualist anarchist magazine Al Margen: Publicación quincenal individualista. [11] In his youth he engaged in illegalist activities. [1] Igualada's thought was deeply influenced by Stirner, of which he was the main popularizer in Spain through his writings. He published and wrote the preface [8] to the fourth edition in Spanish of The Ego and Its Own from 1900. He proposed the creation of a Union of Egoists, a Federation of Individualist Anarchists in Spain, but did not succeed. [12] In 1956, Igualada published an extensive treatise on Stirner, which he dedicated to fellow individualist anarchist Émile Armand. [13] Afterwards, he travelled and lived in Argentina, Uruguay and Mexico. [1]

Anarcho-naturism Edit

Anarcho-naturism was quite important at the end of the 1920s in the Spanish anarchist movement [14] In France, later important propagandists of anarcho-naturism include Henri Zisly [15] and Émile Gravelle who collaborated in La Nouvelle Humanité, Le Naturien, Le Sauvage, L'Ordre Naturel, and La Vie Naturelle. [16] Their ideas were important in individualist anarchist circles in France as well as Spain, where Federico Urales (pseudonym of Joan Montseny) promoted the ideas of Gravelle and Zisly in La Revista Blanca (1898–1905). [17]

The linking role played by the Sol y Vida group was very important. The goal of this group was to take trips and enjoy the open air. The Naturist athenaeum, Ecléctico, in Barcelona, was the base from which the activities of the group were launched. First Etica and then Iniciales, which began in 1929, were the publications of the group, which lasted until the Spanish Civil War. We must be aware that the naturist ideas expressed in them matched the desires that the libertarian youth had of breaking up with the conventions of the bourgeoisie of the time. That is what a young worker explained in a letter to Iniciales. He writes it under the odd pseudonym of silvestre del campo (wild man in the country). "I find great pleasure in being naked in the woods, bathed in light and air, two natural elements we cannot do without. By shunning the humble garment of an exploited person, (garments which, in my opinion, are the result of all the laws devised to make our lives bitter), we feel there no others left but just the natural laws. Clothes mean slavery for some and tyranny for others. Only the naked man who rebels against all norms, stands for anarchism, devoid of the prejudices of outfit imposed by our money-oriented society." [14]

Isaac Puente, an influential Spanish anarchist during the 1920s and 1930s and an important propagandist of anarcho-naturism, [18] [19] was a militant of both the CNT anarcho-syndicalist trade union and Iberian Anarchist Federation. He published the book El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas (en:Libertarian Communism and other insurrectionary and naturist proclaims) in 1933, which sold around 100,000 copies, [20] and wrote the final document for the Extraordinary Confederal Congress of Zaragoza of 1936 which established the main political line for the CNT for that year. [21] Puente was a doctor who approached his medical practice from a naturist point of view. [18] He saw naturism as an integral solution for the working classes, alongside Neo-Malthusianism, and believed it concerned the living being while anarchism addressed the social being. [22] He believed capitalist societies endangered the well-being of humans from both a socioeconomic and sanitary viewpoint, and promoted anarcho-communism alongside naturism as a solution. [18]

The "relation between Anarchism and Naturism gives way to the Naturist Federation, in July 1928, and to the lV Spanish Naturist Congress, in September 1929, both supported by the Libertarian Movement. However, in the short term, the Naturist and Libertarian movements grew apart in their conceptions of everyday life. The Naturist movement felt closer to the Libertarian individualism of some French theoreticians such as Henri Ner (real name of Han Ryner) than to the revolutionary goals proposed by some Anarchist organisations such as the FAI, (Federación Anarquista Ibérica)". [14] This ecological tendency in Spanish anarchism was strong enough as to call the attention of the CNT–FAI in Spain. Daniel Guérin in Anarchism: From Theory to Practice reports:

Spanish anarcho-syndicalism had long been concerned to safeguard the autonomy of what it called "affinity groups." There were many adepts of naturism and vegetarianism among its members, especially among the poor peasants of the south. Both these ways of living were considered suitable for the transformation of the human being in preparation for a libertarian society. At the Saragossa congress the members did not forget to consider the fate of groups of naturists and nudists, "unsuited to industrialization." As these groups would be unable to supply all their own needs, the congress anticipated that their delegates to the meetings of the confederation of communes would be able to negotiate special economic agreements with the other agricultural and industrial communes. On the eve of a vast, bloody, social transformation, the CNT did not think it foolish to try to meet the infinitely varied aspirations of individual human beings. [23]

Anarchist presence in the Spanish Civil War Edit

The Republican government responded to the threat of a military uprising with remarkable timidity and inaction. The CNT had warned Madrid of a rising based in Morocco months earlier and even gave the exact date and time of 5 am on July 19, which it had learned through its impressive espionage apparatus. Yet, the Popular Front did nothing, and refused to give arms to the CNT. Tired of begging for weapons and being denied, CNT militants raided an arsenal and doled out arms to the unions. Militias were placed on alert days before the planned rising.

The rising was actually moved forward two days to July 17, and was crushed in areas heavily defended by anarchist militants, such as Barcelona. Some anarchist strongholds, such as Zaragoza, fell, to the great dismay of those in Catalonia this is possibly due to the fact that they were being told that there was no "desperate situation" by Madrid and thus did not prepare. The Government still remained in a state of denial, even saying that the "Nationalist" forces had been crushed in places where it had not been. It is largely because of the militancy on the part of the unions, both anarchist and communist, that the Rebel forces did not win the war immediately.

Anarchist militias were remarkably libertarian within themselves, particularly in the early part of the war before being partially absorbed into the regular army. They had no rank system, no hierarchy, no salutes, and those called "Commanders" were elected by the troops.

The most effective anarchist unit was the Durruti Column, led by militant Buenaventura Durruti. It was the only anarchist unit which managed to gain respect from otherwise fiercely hostile political opponents. In a section of her memoirs which otherwise lambastes the anarchists, Dolores Ibárruri states: "The war developed with minimal participation from the anarchists in its fundamental operations. One exception was Durruti. " (Memorias de Dolores Ibarruri, p. 382). The column began with 3,000 troops, but at its peak was made up of about 8,000 men. They had a difficult time getting arms from a fearful Republican government, so Durruti and his men compensated by seizing unused arms from government stockpiles. Durruti's death on November 20, 1936, weakened the Column in spirit and tactical ability they were eventually incorporated, by decree, into the regular army. Over a quarter of the population of Barcelona attended Durruti's funeral. It is still uncertain how Durruti died modern historians tend to agree that it was an accident, perhaps a malfunction with his own gun or a result of friendly fire, but widespread rumors at the time claimed treachery by his men anarchists tended to claim that he died heroically and was shot by a fascist sniper. Given the widespread repression against Anarchists by the Soviets, which included torture and summary executions, it is also possible that it was a USSR plot. [24]

Another famous unit was the Iron Column, made up of ex-convicts and other "disinherited" Spaniards sympathetic to the Revolution. The Republican government denounced them as "uncontrollables" and "bandits", but they had a fair amount of success in battle. In March 1937 they were incorporated into the regular army.

CNT–FAI collaboration with government during the war Edit

In 1936, the CNT decided, after several refusals, to collaborate with the government of Largo Caballero. Juan García Oliver became Minister of Justice (where he abolished legal fees and had all criminal dossiers destroyed), Diego Abad de Santillán became Minister of the Economy, and Federica Montseny became Minister of Health, to name a few instances.

During the Spanish Civil War, many anarchists outside of Spain criticized the CNT leadership for entering into government and compromising with communist elements on the Republican side. Those in Spain felt that this was a temporary adjustment, and that once Franco was defeated, they would continue in their libertarian ways. There was also concern with the growing power of authoritarian communists within the government. Montseny later explained: "At that time we only saw the reality of the situation created for us: the communists in the government and ourselves outside, the manifold possibilities, and all our achievements endangered."

Some anarchists outside of Spain viewed their concessions as necessary considering the grim possibility of losing everything should the fascists win the war. Emma Goldman said: "With Franco at the gate of Madrid, I could hardly blame the CNT–FAI for choosing a lesser evil: participation in government rather than dictatorship, the most deadly evil." [25]

To this day, the issue remains controversial among anarchists.

Spanish Revolution of 1936 Edit

Along with the fight against fascism, there was a profound anarchist revolution throughout Spain. Much of Spain's economy was put under worker control. In anarchist strongholds such as Catalonia, the figure was as high as 75%, but lower in areas with heavy socialist influence. Factories were run through worker committees, agrarian areas became collectivized and run as libertarian communes. Even places like hotels, barber shops, and restaurants were collectivized and managed by their workers. George Orwell describes a scene in Aragon during this time period, in his book, Homage to Catalonia:

I had dropped more or less by chance into the only community of any size in Western Europe where political consciousness and disbelief in capitalism were more normal than their opposites. Up here in Aragon one was among tens of thousands of people, mainly though not entirely of working-class origin, all living at the same level and mingling on terms of equality. In theory it was perfect equality, and even in practice it was not far from it. There is a sense in which it would be true to say that one was experiencing a foretaste of Socialism, by which I mean that the prevailing mental atmosphere was that of Socialism. Many of the normal motives of civilized life—snobbishness, money-grubbing, fear of the boss, etc.—had simply ceased to exist. The ordinary class-division of society had disappeared to an extent that is almost unthinkable in the money-tainted air of England there was no one there except the peasants and ourselves, and no one owned anyone else as his master.

The anarchist held areas were run according to the basic principle of "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need." In some places, money was entirely eliminated, to be replaced with vouchers. Numerous sources attest that industrial productivity doubled almost everywhere across the country and agricultural yields being "30–50%" larger, demonstrated by Emma Goldman, Augustin Souchy, Chris Ealham, Eddie Conlon, Daniel Guerin and others. Of the resulting industrial output, Republican military commander Vicente Rojo Lluch said "Notwithstanding lavish expenditures of money on this need, our industrial organization was not able to finish a single kind of rifle or machine gun or cannon." [26]

Anarchic communes often produced more than before the collectivization. Yields were increased by as much as 50% as a result of newly applied scientific methods. However critics often dispute these claims. Currency remained in use as a 'family wage' in some areas, while in other areas the use of currency was abolished. The newly liberated zones worked on entirely socialist libertarian principles decisions were made through councils of ordinary citizens without any sort of bureaucracy. (The CNT-FAI leadership was at this time not nearly as radical as the rank and file members responsible for these sweeping changes.) [27]

In addition to the economic revolution, there was a spirit of cultural revolution. For instance, women were allowed to have abortions, and the idea of "free love" became popular. In many ways, this spirit of cultural liberation was similar to that of the "New Left" movements of the 1960s.

Franco years Edit

When Francisco Franco took power in 1939, he had tens of thousands of political dissidents executed. The total number of politically motivated killings between 1939 and 1943 is estimated to be around 200,000. [28] Political prisoners filled the jails, which were twenty times more populous than before the war. [ citation needed ] Forced labor camps were opened up, where, according to historian Antony Beevor, "the system was probably as bad as in Germany or Russia." Despite these actions, underground resistance to Franco's rule lingered for decades. Actions by the Resistance included, among other things, sabotage, releasing prisoners, underground organizing of workers, aiding fugitives and refugees, and assassinations of government officials.

Little attention was paid to the Spaniards who refused to accept Franco's rule, even by those who had been against him during the war. Miguel García García, an anarchist jailed for twenty-two years, describes their circumstances in his 1972 book: "When we lost the war, those who fought on became the Resistance. But to the world, the Resistance had become criminals, for Franco made the laws, even if, when dealing with political opponents, he chose to break the laws established by the constitution and the world still regards us as criminals. When we are imprisoned, liberals are not interested, for we are 'terrorists'".

The guerilla resistance (referred to in Spain as Maquis) was effectively ended around 1960 with the death of many of its more experienced militants. In the period from the end of the war until 1960, according to government sources, there were 1,866 clashes with security forces and 535 acts of sabotage. 2,173 guerillas were killed and 420 were wounded, while the figures for government forces lost amount to only 307 killed and 372 wounded. 19,340 resistance fighters were arrested over this time interval. Those who aided the guerillas were met with similar brutality as many as 20,000 were arrested over the years on this charge, with many facing torture during interrogation.

The Spanish government under Franco continued to prosecute criminals until its demise. In the earlier years, some prisons were filled up to fourteen times their capacity, with prisoners hardly able to move about. People were often locked up simply for carrying a union card. Active militants were often less fortunate thousands were shot or hanged. Two of the most able Resistance fighters, Jose Luis Facerias and Francisco Sabater Llopart (often called Sabaté), were simply shot by police forces many anarchists met a similar fate.

During World War II, Spanish anarchists worked with the French Resistance, engaging in actions both on the homefront and abroad. They worked especially to smuggle Jewish families into Spain, forging passes for them and helping them find safety, in order to protect them from Nazi oppression.

The then-underground CNT was also involved. In 1962, a secret Interior Defense section was formed to coordinate actions of the resistance.

The Anarchist Black Cross was re-activated in the late 1960s by Albert Meltzer and Stuart Christie to help anarchist prisoners during Franco's reign. [29] In 1969, Miguel García García became International Secretary of the ABC.

Today Edit

The CNT is still active today. Their influence, however, is limited. The CNT, in 1979, split into two factions: CNT/AIT and CNT/U. The CNT/AIT claimed the original "CNT" name, which led the CNT/U to change its name to Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) in 1989, which retains most of the CNT's principles. The CGT is much larger, with perhaps 50,000 members (although it represents as many as two million workers), and is currently the third largest union in Spain. An important cause for the split and the main practical difference between the two trade unions today is that the CGT participates, just like any other Spanish trade union, in elecciones sindicales, where workers choose their representatives who sign their collective bargaining agreements. CGT has an important number of representatives in, for example, SEAT, the Spanish car manufacturer and still the largest enterprise in Catalonia and also in the public railroad system, e.g., it holds the majority in Barcelona's underground. CNT does not participate in elecciones sindicales and criticizes this model. The CNT–CGT split has made it impossible for the government to give back the unions' important facilities that belonged to them before Franco's regime seized them and used them for their only legal trade union, a devolution also still pending in part for some of the other historical political parties and worker organizations. [30]

During the first years of the 2000s, the Iberian Federation of Libertarian Youth in Spain started to adopt insurrectionary anarchist ideals, and distancing from anarcho-syndicalism became more prevalent due to the influence of black blocs in alterglobalization protests and examples of anarchist insurrection from Italy and Greece. However, around 2002 - 2003 it was subject to state repression, driving it into inactivity. [31]

A new generation of anarchist youth decided to re-establish the FIJL in 2006, deviating from its predecessor in identifying as a formal organisation (something insurrectionary anarchism disavows), as well as being sympathetic to anarcho-syndicalism, although this did not prevent it from criticizing institutions such as the CNT. [32] [33] In the year 2007 it claimed itself to be the direct continuation of the previous FIJL, since it did not have news from the insurrectionist organization. However, after the publishing of a communique by FIJL, [31] it rebranded itself the "Iberian Federation of Anarchist Youth" (spa: Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Anarquistas or FIJA), still claiming to be descended from, and continuing in the spirit of, 90s FIJL. [34] They publish a newspaper called El Fuelle (The Bellows).

In March 2012, the insurrectionist FIJL of the 1990s announced its dissolution, [35] and so FIJA reclaimed the FIJL name. [36] Today, the FIJL has presence in Asturias, Cádiz, Donosti, Granada, Lorca (Murcia) and Madrid. [37]

Although many anarchists were opposed to the use of force, some militants did use violence and terrorism to further their agendas. This "propaganda of the deed" first became popular in the late 19th century. This was before the rise of syndicalism as an anarchist tactic, and after a long history of police repression that led many to despair.

Los Desheredados [es] (English translation: "the Disinherited"), were a secret group advocating violence and said to be behind a number of murders. Another group, Mano Negra (Black Hand), was also rumoured to be behind various assassinations and bombings, although there is some evidence that the group was a sensational myth created by police in the Civil Guard (La Guardia Civil), notorious for their brutality in fact, it is well known that police invented actions by their enemies, or carried them out themselves, as a tool of repression. Los Solidarios and Agrupación de los Amigos de Durruti [es] (Friends of Durruti) were other groups that used violence as a political weapon. The former group was responsible for the robbery of Banco de Bilbao which gained 300,000 pesetas, and the assassination of the Cardinal Archbishop of Zaragoza Juan Soldevilla y Romero, who was reviled as a particularly reactionary cleric. Los Solidarios stopped using violence with the end of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, when anarchists had more opportunities to work aboveground.

In later years, anarchists were responsible for a number of church burnings throughout Spain. The Church, a powerful, usually right-wing political force in Spain, was always hated by anti-authoritarians. At this time, their influence was not as grand as in the past, but a rise of anti-Christian sentiment coincided with their perceived or real support of fascism. Many of the burnings were not committed by anarchists. However, anarchists were often used as a scapegoat by the authorities.

Rarely was violence directed towards civilians. However, there are a few recorded cases in which anarchists enforced their own beliefs with violence one observer reports incidents in which pimps and drug dealers were shot on the spot. Forced collectivization, while exceedingly rare, did occur on several occasions when ideals were dropped in favor of wartime pragmatism. In general, though, individual holdings were respected by anarchists who opposed coercive violence more vigorously than small-scale property possession.

Despite the violence of some, many anarchists in Spain adopted an ascetic lifestyle in line with their libertarian beliefs. Smoking, drinking, gambling, and prostitution were widely looked down upon. Anarchists avoided dealing with institutions they proposed to fight against: most did not enter into marriages, go to State-run schools (libertarian schools, like the Catalan Ferrer's Escuela Moderna, were popular), or attempt to aggrandize their personal wealth. This moralism starkly contrasts with the popular view of anarchists as anomic firebrands, but also is part of another stereotype that the anarchism in Spain was a millenarian pseudo-religion.

Feminism has historically played a role alongside the development of anarchism Spain is no exception. The CNT's founding congress placed special emphasis on the role of women in the labor force and urged an effort to recruit them into the organization. There was also a denunciation of the exploitation of women in society and of wives by their husbands.

Women's rights had been integral in anarchist ideas such as coeducation, the abolition of marriage, and abortion rights, amongst others these were quite radical ideas in traditionally Catholic Spain. Women had played a large part in many of the struggles, even fighting alongside their male comrades on the barricades. However, they were often marginalized for example, women often were paid less in the agrarian collectives and had less visible roles in larger anarchist organizations.

A Spanish anarchist group known as Mujeres Libres (Free Women) provided day-care, education, maternity centers, and other services for the benefit of women. The group had a peak membership of between 20,000 and 38,000. Its first national congress, held in 1937, with delegations from over a dozen different cities representing about 115 smaller groups. The statutes of the organization declared its purpose as being "a. To create a conscious and responsible feminine force that will act as a vanguard of progress b. To establish for this purpose schools, institutes, lectures, special courses, etc., to train the woman and emancipate her from the triple slavery to which she has been and still is submitted: the slavery of ignorance, the slavery of being a woman, and the slavery of being a worker."

Eskalera Karakola is a current squat in Madrid, Spain, which is held by feminists and works on autogestion principles. It was situated in the Lavapiés barrio from 1996 to 2005, and is now in Calle Embajador. The squat organizes activities focussing on domestic violence and women's precarity in post-industrial capitalism. In 2002, it created a Female Workers' Laboratory (Laboratorio de Trabajadoras), and has carried out anti-racist activities, in particular with female immigrants, since 1998. Eskalera Karakola also took part in the organization of the LGBT Pride and the forum "Women and Architecture". It participated in alter-globalization events such as the European Social Forum and is part of the European nextGENDERation network. [38] It publishes a review titled Mujeres Preokupando (Concerned Women).

Exports and internal strife

Jamaican sugar production reached its apogee in the 18th century, dominating the local economy and depending increasingly on the slave trade as a source of cheap labour. Several of the major plantation owners lived in England and entrusted their operations to majordomos, whereas small landowners struggled to make profits in the face of higher production costs. Many of the latter group diversified into coffee, cotton, and indigo production, and by the late 18th century coffee rivaled sugar as an export crop. Meanwhile Jamaica’s slave population swelled to 300,000, despite mounting civil unrest, the menace of invasion from France and Spain, and unstable food supplies—notably during the period 1780–87, when about 15,000 slaves starved to death.

Maroons intermittently used guerrilla tactics against Jamaican militia and British troops, who had destroyed many Maroon settlements in 1686. Two of the bloodiest periods in the 18th century became known as the Maroon Wars. Following the first such conflict (1725–39), Edward Trelawny, the island’s governor, granted freedom to the followers of the Maroon warrior Cudjoe and relinquished control over part of the interior. British forces decisively won the second war (1795–97), which they waged relentlessly, burning towns and destroying field crops in their wake. After the fighting ceased, the government deported some 600 Maroons to Nova Scotia. In addition, slave revolts occurred in the 18th and early 19th centuries, particularly in 1831–32, when black leaders such as Samuel Sharpe stirred up thousands of followers however, British troops quickly put down the rebellion and executed its organizers. Whites generally blamed missionaries, who were working among the slaves, for inciting the revolt, and, in the weeks that followed, mobs gathered by the Colonial Church Union (an organization of white planters loyal to the Anglican church) burned several Baptist and Methodist chapels.

Jamaica’s internal strife was accompanied by external threats. A large French fleet, with Spanish support, planned to invade Jamaica in 1782, but the British admirals George Rodney and Samuel Hood thwarted the plan at the Battle of the Saintes off Dominica. In 1806 Admiral Sir John Duckworth defeated the last French invasion force to threaten the island.

The British Parliament abolished the transatlantic slave trade in 1807, which increased planters’ costs in Jamaica at a time when the price of sugar was already dropping. Parliament subsequently approved an emancipatory act that gave all enslaved people in British colonies their freedom by 1838. Many former slaves left the plantations and moved to the nearby hills, where their descendants still farm small landholdings. The planters received some compensation (£19 per slave) but generally saw their financial resources and labour forces dwindle. Parliament removed protective tariffs in 1846, further reducing the price of Jamaican sugar.

The royal governor, the Jamaican legislature, and Parliament had many bitter disagreements regarding taxation and government expenditures. In the late 1830s and ’40s the governors Sir Charles T. Metcalfe and James Bruce, 8th earl of Elgin, attempted to improve the economy by bringing in thousands of plantation workers from India (rather than paying higher wages to former slaves) and creating the island’s first railway. In spite of those programs, the plantation system collapsed, leading to widespread poverty and unemployment. In 1865 impoverished former slaves rioted in the town of Morant Bay, killing the chief magistrate and 18 others of European ancestry. The Jamaican assembly, dismayed, ceded its power to Governor Edward John Eyre, who declared martial law, suppressed the rioters, and hanged the principal instigator, Paul Bogle, and his alleged coconspirator, assembly member George William Gordon. Many West Indians applauded Eyre’s actions, but amid public outcries and an official investigation in Britain he was recalled and dismissed from his position.

Timeline of Events

1890 - "Ghost Dance" revival movement among American Plains Indians culminating in Battle of Wounded Knee on 28 December(1890) Pershing involved in campaign as junior officer
1890 - A.T. Mahan publishes "The Influence of Sea Power on History, 1660-1783" arguing that Britain's status rested on naval supremacy which controlled the Eurasian balance of power
1890 4 March - Caprivi becomes German Chancellor (till 28 October 1894)
1890 18 March - Dismissal/Resignation of Bismarck
1890 May - French unsuccessfully try to get Russians to jon them in a military alliance against Germany
1890 18 June - Reinsurance Treaty lapses
1890 1 July - Heligoland Treaty Germany gives up its claims to Zanzibar to Britain, in exchange for Heligoland
1890 October - Reichstag elections with S. P. D. holding 35 seats (out of 397)
1890 1 October - German anti-socialist laws not renewed

1891 - Italian government agrees to a commercial treaty with Germany and Austria
1891 - Diplomatic relations with United States broken off by Italy following dispute over the murder of 11 Italians in New Orlans indemnities paid the following year by the U.S. and relations resumed
1891 7 February - Schlieffen appointed Chief of German General Staff (till 1 Jan, 1906)
1891 July - French naval squadron visits Russian port of Kronstadt greeted with cheers by Russians
1891 27 August - Franco-Russian Entente

1892 1 February - Germany signs commercial treaties with Italy, Belgium, Switzerland and Austria-Hungary
1892 May - "Jackie" Fisher becomes Third Lord of the Admiralty for 5 and half years (ship design and construction)
1892 17 August - Franco-Russian Military Convention
1892 17 August - Schlieffen begins formulating concept of two-front war plan to counter Franco-Russian alliance

1893 17 January - Franco-Russian Alliance signed
1893 18 February - Founding of Agrarian League in Germany
1893 13 July - Germany Army bill accepted
1893 August - Clemenceau runs for re-election from the Var district, but looses and is out of political office for the first time in almost 20 years
1893 30 August - Report reaches London that French ordered British vessels out of Gulf of Siam creates war scare
1893 October - Russian naval visit to French port of Toulon
1893 19 October - General Bronsart v Schellendorf becomes German Minister of War (till 14 Aug 1896)
1893 December - Italian forces Mahdists under Ahmad wad-Ali at Agordat

1894 10 February - Russo-German commercial treaty signed
1894 12 May - Anglo-Congolese (Free State) treaty signed with Britian hoping to bar French from the Nile Valley
1894 July - German General Staff develops a new strategic plan for two-front war
1894 July - Italians capture Kassala
1894 September - Japan goes to war with China over Korea (First Korean War) with British attempts at intervention against Japan failing
1894 26 September - A French intelligence agent steals papers from the German Embassy in Paris that reveal a French officer is spying for the Germans, leading to the Drefyus affair: repercussions throughout France's army and government Drefus accused, tried and convicted on flimsy (and fabricated) evidence, and then sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's Island
1894 26 October - Hohenlohe becomes German Chancellor (till Oct 1900)
1894 1 November - Tsar Alexander II dies and Nicoholas II becomes Tsar

1895 - Cuban Revolution led by Rizal against Spain ends in failure
1885 - British army Chitral Expedition
1895 April - Japanese and Chinese conclude Treaty of Shimonoseki among various European powers expressing self-interests and resulting in recognition of Korean independance and surrendering Port Arthur and Liaotung Peninsula to Japan Russians upset over Japanese gains
1895 June - Opening of Kiel Canal in Germany
1895 21 June - Salisbury returns to power in Britain
1895 August - Kaiser Wilhelm visits England for Victoria's Golden Jubilee celebrations
1895 December - Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) arrested jailed in St Petersburg and exiled to Siberia for three years
1895 29 December - Jameson Raid into the Transavaal
1895 - Armenian massacres in Turkey, during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II

1896 - Philipine Revolution led by Aguinaldo against Spain begins
1896 - Charles E. Callwell, British Army, publishes Small Wars - Their Principles and Practice as a practical treatise on guerrilla and 'small wars' conflict
1896 3 January - Wilhelm II sends telegram to Kruger congratulating him on preserving independance of Transvaal
1896 1 March - Italian disaster at Battle of Adowa (Ethiopia) Italians appeal for British aid unsuccessfully
1896 13 March - British Government decides to retake Khartoum and Sudan and funding voted (British decision to keep Egypt and not evacuate soon followed)
1896 14 August - Gossler becomes German Minister of War (till 15 Aug 1903)

1897 Greco-Turkish War
1897 22 January - Waldersee's memorandum on coup d`etat for Wiliam II against the Reichstag
1897 January-February - Russian attempt to set up anti-German coalition with British in Far East and attempt fails
1897 17 March - Russians formally demand lease of Port Arthur
1897 5 May - Austro-Russian "agreement"to maintain status-quo in Balkans for next ten years
1897 15 June - Tirpitz nominated State Secretary for the I.G. Navy
1897 20 October - Bülow nominated State Secretary in the German Foreign Office
1897 November - Germans occupy Chinese port of Kaio-Chow for coaling station following murder of two German missionaries there
1897 December - Zwartberg Hottentots revolt against Germans and are suppressed
1897 25 December - Italians hand Kassala over to Egyptian Army

1898 25 March - British demand China leases Wei-hai-wei for port facilities beginning of Chinese partition. Increasing Russian concerns over Far East/China (and becomes a feature of each springtime over the next half-dozen years)
1898 26 March - Germany's "Naval Bill" passes the Reichstag
1898 1 April - Chamberlain suggests an alliance with Germany
1898 8 April - Battle of the Atbara
1898 10 April - Reichstag ratifies First Navy Law
1898 25 April - Spanish American War begins
1898 30 April - German Navy League Founded
1898 13 August - U.S. Army captures Manila
1898 30 August - Anglo-German agreement over Portuguese colonies
1898 September-November - Fashoda Crisis (Anglo-French confrontation and possibility of war over French attempts to claim Sudan)
1898 4 September - Funeral of Gordon at Khartoum
1898 9 September - Kitchener starts for Fashoda
1898 22 September - Battle of Gedaref
1898 24 September - Kitchener returns from Fashoda
1898 October - Wilhem II pays second visit to Ottoman Empire and suggests building the Bagdad railway
1898 November - Spanish American War ends with Treaty of Paris U.S. gains Philipines, the Sulus, and Guam in return for payment of $20 million to Spain Cuban independance
1898 December - Moro revolt against U.S. occupation of Philipines, lasts until 1903, with sporadic fighting until 1914

1899 4 February - Aguinaldo leads Philipine Insurrection against U.S. forces in Philipines
1899 16 February - French President Faure suffers a heart attack during a tryst with the wife of a French painter (Steinheil) his wife called - Faure dies later that evening
1899 April - Anglo-French agreement on Meditteranean spheres on influence
1899 May-July - First Hague Peace Conference
1899 Summer - Churchill runs for Parliament and loses
1899 September - Dreyfus pardoned after French Army yields to public pressure but repercussions continued with the public being suspicious of the army's role in the matter French Army funds are subsequently cut back over the years
1899 November - The Hay 'Open Door' Note on China
1899 12 October - Boer War begins
1899 20-29 November - Wilhelm II visits England

Return to Timeline Search Page

1900 January - 'Bunderesrath' Affair
1900 29 July - King Humbert of Italy assasinated by Bresci (Italian anarchist) Victor Emmanuel III becomes king
1900 February - Relief of Ladysmith
1900 8 March - Landsdowne asks Germany to join Britain in imposing on France a localization of any Russo-Japanese War
1900 May - Relief of Mafeking
1900 Spring-Summer - Peasant uprisings in China leading to Boxer Rebellion
1900 14 June - Reichstag accepts Second Navy Law as proposed by Tirpitz (supplementals in 1906, 1908, and 1912)
1900 June-August - Boxer Rebellion spreads
1900 1 October - Churchill elected to Parliament by a margin of 22 votes during the "Khaki Election"
1900 16 October - Anglo-German agreement over China
1900 17 October - Bülow becomes Reich Chancellor (till 14 Jul 1909)
1900 December - Delcassé offers Italians pledge that that French would not encroach in Tripoli
1900 31 December - Murder of English missionary in China

1901 - Germans develop plans for the submarine U-1
1901 20 January - Kaiser Wilhelm arrives in London to visit Queen Victoria as she was dying
1901 22 January - Death of Queen Victoria Edward VII becomes King of Great Britain
1901 24 March - Japanese demand withdrawal of proposed agreement between Russia and China Russians back off
1901 31 May - European troops begin landing in China to supress the Boxers
1901 20 June - Siege of European legations by Boxers begins
1901 September - U.S. President McKinley shot by anarchist Leon Czolgosz, while attending Pan-American Exposition and dies eight days later
1901 October-December - Collapse of Anglo-German alliance negotiations and also Russo-Japanese talks
1901 November - "British Foreign Policy" article by "A.B.C." published in The National Review
1901 18 November - Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, providing the United States with powers of exclusive regulation and management for the proposed Panama Canal
1901 December - Oberst Alfred Redl begins spying on his government for the Russians

1902 30 January - Anglo-Japanese Alliance formed giving Japanese greater prestige in Far East
1902 20 March - Franco-Russian declaration on China (intentions of Franco-Russian protectorate)
1902 June - Fisher returns to the Admiralty as Second Sea Lord (staffing ships with officers and men)
1902 28 June - Triple Alliance renewed
1902 September - Turks allow Russians to send four torpedo-boats north through Starits of Mamarra renewing the "straits Question" and creates ending of the Mediterranean Entente
1902 November - Franco-Spanish plans to divide Morrocco ruined by British meddling and exposure of treaty terms
1902 November - German discussions with Turks over Bagdad railway increase and military aid to Turkey begun
1902 22 November - Friedrich Krupp suicides amid charges of homosexuality business goes to his daughter Bertha
1902 December - Widespread revolt in Turkey against Sultan Abdul Aziz marking revolt suppressed but Sultan's power diminished afterwards
1902 25 December - Reichstag accepts higher agricultural tarriffs

1903 April - Bezobrazov becomes Sec. of State in Russia and his hard-line policies make Far Eastern compromise impossible Japanese begin to see talks with Russians as futile
1903 May - Edward VII visits Paris
1903 16 June - Reichstag elections with gains for S.P.D.
1903 July - Loubet of France visits London
1903 July until April 1904 Anglo-French talks settling territorial claims between the countries (Siam, Newfoundland, Egpyt, West Africa, Morrocco, etc) eventually leading to the British joining the Entente in April 1904
1903 15 August - Gen Karl v Einem becomes German Minister of War (till Aug. 1909)

1904 Kaiser tells Leopold II of Belgium that a war between France and Germany would involve Belgium during another visit in 1910, the Kaiser says otherwise)
1904 4 February - Russo-Japanese War begins Japanese attack Port Arthur
1904 31 March - Kaiser makes his Tangier's speech and Morrocan problem
1904 8 April - Entente Cordiale between France and Britain (sponsord by Landsdowne, Foreign Secretary, 1900-1905)
1904 May - Fisher becomes First Sea Lord of the Admiralty (director of operations) till fall of 1906
1904 28 July - Russo-German commercial treaty signed
1904 3 October - French and Spanish agreement on Morrocco and city of Fez
1904 3 October (till 1908) Herrero and Hottentot insurrection in German South-West Africa
1904 21 October - Dogger Bank Incident (Russian fleet fires on British fishing-vessels)
1904 November - Theodore Roosevelt elected President of the United States
1904 23 November - Russo-German alliance negotiations following Dogger Bank incident break-down

1905 22 January -Russian procession to Winter Palace attacked by troops and police (Bloody Sunday)
1905 1 February - German commercial treaties with Russia and Austria-Hungary ratified mid-February Grand Duke Serge assasinated in Moscow
1905 31 March - Wilhelm II visits Tangiers (concurrent with this, the British General Staff was holding theoretical war games on maps -- assuming the Germans might invade France through Belgium)
1905 William Haywood and others found the International Workers of the World ('Wobblies')
1905 30 April - Anglo-French military conversations begin
1905 27 May - Battle of Tsushima (Russian Navy routed)
1905 6 June - Declassé falls from power
1905 23 July - Treaty of Björkö
1905 28 September - Morocco Conference agreed
1905 5 October - H.M.S. Dreadnought keel laid down
1905 October - (middle) Russia affected by a general strike
1905 30 October - Tsar issues Imperial Manifesto creating a semi-constituional monarchy
1905 1 November - Rasputin first meets the Romanov family
1905 December - Schlieffen plan developed
1905 December - Churchill becomes under secreatry in British Colonial Office
1905 5 December - Campbell-Bannerman forms Liberal ministry

1906 1 January - Moltke succeds Schlieffen as Chief of German General Staff (till 14 Septeber 1914)
1906 12 January Landslide victory of Liberals in British elections
1906 16 January Algerciras Conference opens
1906 31 January Anglo-French military conversations authorized by Grey (who at this time thinks England has a moral obligation to France against Germany) Wilson sent to France Cabinet not informed of these talks until 1911
1906 March - London Daily Mail begins serializing "The Invasion of 1910" by William Le Queux (plot: Germans invade England and win) the story is made into a play that ran for 18 months
1906 5 April - Bülow has heart attack in Reichstag and is unable to work for several months
1906 8 April - Algecrias Act signed
1906 1 May beginning of Eulenberg scandal in German (Kaiser's close friend accused of homosexuality) accusations by Hardin
1906 May - Tax reform passes Reichstag
1906 May - Russian Duma meets for the first time
1906 5 June - Third German Navy Law (Novelle 1906) ratified
1906 7 July - Tsar asks Stolypin to become Prime Minister and shortly thereafter he dissolves the Duma
1906 August - Bertha Krupp marries Gustav (Krupp) von Bohlen und Halbach, he taking part of her surname to maintain firm's continuity
1906 8 September - Churchill meets the Kaiser while undersecretary at Colonial Office, discussing German colonial affairs in southern Africa
1906 13 December - Bülow dissolves Reichstag

1907 (Sinn Féin founded in Dublin)
1907 1 January Eyre Crowe's (British Foreign Office) memorandum on English interest in preserving balance of power and joining 2nd most powerful country in Europe (France) comments on German foreign policy and confrontation possible February - Russian Second Duma meets for the first time dissolved three months later by the Tsar 1907 25 January Reichstag elections
1907 February - Bülow Bloc formed
1907 April - Eulenberg scandal spreads, Hardin accuses three of the Kaiser's aides-de-camp of homosexuality
1907 15 June - Second Hague Peace Conference Opens
1907 30 July - Russo-Japanese War ends Russia begins focusing on Balkans instead of Far East for influence peddling
1907 31 August - Anglo-Russian Entente agreement over Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet
1907 23 October - Trial of Hardin (Moltke-Hardin trial) for libel begins in Berlin (dropped on technicality) Kaiser upset by trial and implications
1907 11 November - Kaiser reluctantly vists England during Eulenberg scandal and interviewed by Haldane of the Daily Telegraph

1908 3 January Hardin's second trial ends with a conviction for libel ordered to prison but set free on bond
1908 16 February - Wilhelm II writes to Lord Tweedmouth
1908 8 April - Asquith becomes Prime Minister and shortly after Churchill is part of Cabinet
1908 8 June - Eulenberg charged with perjury in Hardin case and arrested
1908 14 June - Fourth German Navy Law (Novelle 1908) ratified
1908 29 June - Hardin's second libel trial begins but is suspended in September, resumed the summer of 1909 and then postponed indefinitely again due to Eulenberg being too ill to stand trial
1908 July - Young Turks come to power and offer to become allies with Britain but are rebuked by Churchill
1908 2 July - Izvolski of Russia offers to support Austria annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina if Austria would support Russian intentions on the "Straits"
1908 12-13 August - Hardinge visits Wilhelm II at Kronberg
1908 19 August - Austrian Government decides to annex Bosnia and Hercegovina
1908 15 September - Meeting at Buchlau (Buchlov) between Izvolski and Aehrenthal (of Austria) to discuss Balkans and Straits
1908 2 October - Details of Buchlau Agreement given to Russian Council of Ministers Council upset
1908 5 October - Bulgaria declares itself independant of Turkey
1908 6 October - Austria proclaims annexation of Bosnia and Hercgovina Izvolsky feels humiliiated following blunt German diplomatic rebuttals that follow
1908 6 October - Haldane's Daily Telegraph publishes interview with Kaiser
1908 28 October - Daily Telegraph interview of Wilhelm II published creates backlash in Germany
1908 10-11 November - Reichstag debates on Daily Telegraph Affair

1909 January Conrad (of Austria) writes Moltke asking what Germany would do if Austria attacked Serbia and Russians intervened over Bosnia
1909 21 January Moltke writes Conrad, replying if Russia mobilizes, Germany will as well, using Bosnia as justification
1909 9 February - H.M.S. Dreadnaught launched
1909 9 Februrary Franco-German Agreement over Morocco recognizing French political and German economic rights there
1909 26 February - French Ambassador to Russia tells Russian Government that the Bosnian situation should not be any of Russia or France's concern
1909 12 March - British Navy bill accepted after "Navy Scare"
1909 24 March - Collapse of Bülow Bloc
1909 12 June - Hansabund founded
1909 24 June - Bülow tax reform bill defeated
1909 14 July - Theobold v Bethmann-Hollweg becomes German Chancellor (till July 1917)
1909 25 July - Louis Bleriot first man to fly across the Channel from France to England
1909 11 August - von Herringen becomes German Minister of War (till 7 Jun 1913)
1909 December - British General Wilson visits Foch and listens to lectures followed by private talks invites Foch to London Wilson tours Franco-German border for 10 days by train and bicycle and concludes Germans would invade France through Belgium

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1910 January General Wilson goes back to France and revisits Foch in Paris for further talks Foch visits Wilson and General Staff in London later in the year. (Wilson asks Foch what the smallest British military force that would be of value to France if Germany attacked, prompting the reply of "one British soldier")
1910 15 January British general elections
1910 14 February - Churchill becomes Home Secretary
1910 6 May - Edward VII dies suddenly and succeeded by George V
1910 27 May - Reform of Prussian three-class voting system fails

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1911 9 February - Churchill speech declaring British fleet a necessity and a German fleet a luxury 1911 March - British plans for B.E.F. mobilization in event of British intervention in general contintental war ready (schedule of mobilization)
1911 21 May - French occupy Fez (Morocco)
1911 30 June - Messiny named French War Minister
1911 July - during the Agasir crisis, Hoseph Cailloux (then French Premier) begins secret negotiations with the Germans concurrent with Cambon's public ones these private negotiations are discovered by the French who have broken one of the German diplomatic codes (the "Green Dispatches") and Cailloux is forced to resign when Poincare is alerted to this information
1911 1 July - Panther at port of Agadir
1911 July - Asquith appoints Chruchill to Cabinet's Committee of Imperial Defense (formed 1904)
1911 20 July - Dubail-Wilson agreement signed agreeing to British mobilization following intervention, specifiying 150,000 men and 67,000 horses to be landed at Havre, Boulogne and Rouen between 4th-12th day of mobilization and be sent to Mauberge region and ready for action on 13th day
1911 21 July - Lloyd George warns Germany in his "Mansion House speech", stiffening German opinion towards his ideas speech primarily meant as support for the French during "crisis" period British make some preparations for war against Germany
1911 13 August - Churchill sends Asquith a memorandum analyzing a Euopean war in which Germany atacks France through Belgium and recommends use of British Army to aid France
1911 23 August - Asquith calls a secret meeting of Imperial Defense Committee asking for prepartion of war plans (Grey, Lloyd George and Churchill present among others) Gen. Henry Wilson discusses Anglo-French "plans" against German invasion of Belgium and France
1911 6 September - Stolypin assasinated in the Kiev Opera House in front of the Tsar
1911 29 Spetember Tripoli War between Italy and Turkey begins
1911 10 October - (until 1912) Chinese Revoltion begins at Wuhan
1911 25 October - Churchill becomes First Lord of the Admiralty and invites Fisher to meet him
1911 (till 1914) Mexican revolution fighting begins in November
1911 4 November - Morocco Agreement signed
1911 4 November - Charykov (of Russia) offers Turks a guarantee of the status quo if Straits open to Russian warships
1911 9-10 November - Reichstag debates Morocco Agreement

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1912-1913 Irish Home Rule problem occupies British domestic politics
1912-1913 Krupp "Kornwalzer"stolen secret militiary documents scandal emerges and trials Krupp not penalized
1912 January British War Staff established
1912 January Caillaux ousted in France and followed by Poincaré
1912 - French Army General Staff makes the offensive à outrance official French military doctrine in it's Regulations for the Conduct of Large Units
1912 January - French Senate initiates an investigative committee into Cailloux's role in the Agadir Crisis and suspicions about Calloux's "Germanophilia" became widespread these sentiments led to the fall of the "Cailloux" government during 1912 Cailloux still maintained enough political power that he was back in his "old" post of Minister of Finance
1912 January - Reichstag elections with S.P.D. emerging as the strongest party
1912 February - Joffre tells (French) Supreme War Council that he was counting on British for 6 infantry and 1 cavalry divisions to be ready for action in Mauberge area by 15th day of mobilization
1912 7 February - Kaiser announces Army and Navy Bills
1912 8 February - Haldane arrives in Berlin for talks
1912 March - Churchill announces enlarging the RN, and removal of fleet from Malta to home waters (and with the French realigning their fleet)
1912 13 March - Balkan League between Serbia and Bulgaria formed
1912 22 March - New German naval program begun marking failure of Anglo-German talks on naval forces
1912 April - (2 week period) Turks close Straits fearing Italian attack with economic results in southern Russia creating tensions there
1912 15 April - Cambon proposes to Nicholson a renewal of Landsdowne's "May 1905 offer" of an alliance Grey writes Cambon with promises but no formal arrangement
1912 21 May - Military bills and Lex Bassermann-Erzberger passed by Reichstag
1912 29 May - Greece joins Balkan League 1912 17 August - Poincaré tells Sazonov (of Russia) of verbal agreement by England to aid France if Germany attacked France (possibly posturing)
1912 15 October - Peace between Italy and Turkey completed
1912 17 October - First Balkan War begins Montenegro declares war on Turkey, soon joined by Bulgaria, Greece, and Serbia
1912 17 November - Poincaré tells Izvolski that France will back Russia in a war against Austria (which he said was backed by Germany)
1912 December - Haldane tells German Ambassador that England would aid France if attacked by Germany and could not allow the balance of power to be changed
1912 8 December - Wilhelm II calls military conference at Potsdam (over Haldane's comment) note: Some scholars (i.e., Fisher) see this as the turning point when Germany formulated plans for a war with Britain, but there was no follow-up on this.

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1913 - Edison develops first talking motion pictures
1913 - Wilson visits French General Staff every other month and reviews Foch's manoeuvres of XX Corp guarding the border)
1913 5 January Jagow succeds Kidelen-Wächter in the German Foreign Office
1913 February - Russian celebrations for 300 years of Romanovs
1913 26 March - Churchill proposes Naval Holiday
1913 May - Treaty of London ending First Balkan War and Albania given international recognition various territorial adjustments
1913 May - French General Staff adopts Plan 17
1913 24 May - Oberst Alfred Redl, Deputy Chief of the Austrian Inteligence Bureau comitts suicide prior to being arrested as a Russian spy
1913 4 June Prussian Diet elections
1913 7 June - Erich v Falkenhayn becomes German Minister of War (till 21 Jan 1915)
1913 30 June - Second Balkan War begins with Bulgarian attack on Greece and Serbia
1913 30 June - German Army Bill and Tax Compromise accepted
1913 29 July - Anglo-Turkish understanding supporting German efforts in Turkey to build Bagdad railway
1913 August - Lusitania undergoes extensive modifications permitting guns to be mounted and ammunition holds and ammo elevators installed prior to registration as a Reserve RN cruiser
1913 7 August - French Army bill ratified ("Three Year Law")
1913 10 August Peace of Bucharest ends Second Balkan War and marked by territorial adjustments
1913 23 August - Churchill prepares contingency plans paper for Britain to send troops to aid France in war against Germany
1913 28 August "Kartell der schaffenden Stände" proclaimed
1913 30 August - Churchill writes Grey that Britain should aid Russia and France in a war with Germany
1913 1 October - Greatest German Army increase since 1871 peace strength increased by 136,000 to 760,908 NCO's and men
1913 18 October - Churchill again proposes a Naval Holiday
1913 18 October - Berchtold (Austria) sends an ultimatum to Serbia demanding withdrawal of forces that crossed into Albania Serbs withdrew
1913 26 October - Kaiser meets Berchtold (Austrian Foregin Minister) in Vienna discussing possible Germanic-Slav (Serb) confrontation
1913 October-November - Zabern Affair in Germany
1913 October - French Army adopts new field regulations calling for offensive
1913 November - Miguel Almereyda begins publication of Le Bonnet Rouge, a weekly newspaper for the militant left in France during 1914 it begins to appear daily
1913 November - Liman von Sanders given total command of Turkish army and in charge at Istanbul resulting in open Russian animosity towards Germans in Turkey Russia becoming increasingly more anti-German and belligerent
1913 9 December - Liman von Sanders Commission to Turkey seen off by Kaiser
1913 November - King Albert of Belgium invited to Berlin Kaiser tells King that he feels war with France inevitable similar statements by Moltke
1913 9 December - Liman von Sanders Commission to Turkey seen off by Kaiser
1913 14 December - Liman von Sanders arrives in Constantinople


Objectively considered, Carlism appears as a political movement. It arose under the protection of a dynastic flag that proclaimed itself "legitimist", and that rose to the death of Ferdinand VII, in the year 1833, with enough echo and popular roots, [. ] they distinguish in him three cardinal bases that define it:
a) A dynastic flag: that of legitimacy.
b) A historical continuity: that of Las Españas.
c) And a legal-political doctrine: the traditionalist.

The dynastic issue Edit

Systems of succession in dispute Edit

Traditionally, all but one of the Spanish kingdoms allowed the succession of daughters in the absence of sons and of sisters in the absence of brothers (male-preference primogeniture). The one exception, Aragon, tended to favor semi-Salicism. The most elaborate rules formed the "Seven-part code" (Siete partidas) of the late 13th century.

On 1 November 1700 a French Bourbon prince, Philip V, acceded to the Spanish throne. In the French royal house, Salic law applied, which did not permit female succession. Accordingly, the traditional Spanish order of succession had to give way to a semi-Salic system, which excluded women from the crown unless all males in the agnatic descent from Philip, in any branch, became extinct. This change was probably [ original research? ] forced by external pressure to avoid any possible personal union of the Crown of Spain with a foreign monarchy like France. (The War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) broke out to prevent Spain and France from uniting the two realms under the same king.) Although the Spanish government made several attempts to revert to the traditional order, as in the Decree of 1789 by Charles IV of Spain (see below), the succession question became pressing only when, by 1830, Ferdinand VII found himself ailing, without any issue, but with a pregnant wife. He decided in 1830 to promulgate the 1789 decree, securing the crown for the unborn child even if female. The law placed the child, Princess Isabel, ahead of Ferdinand's brother Infante Carlos, who until then had been heir presumptive.

Many contemporaries (starting with the King's brother and the cadet Bourbon branches) saw the changed succession as illegal on various counts. [4] They formed the basis for the dynastic Carlist party, which only recognized the semi-Salic succession law that gave Infante Carlos precedence over Ferdinand's daughter, the future Isabella II.

Historical timeline Edit

  • 13 May 1713: Philip V, first of the Spanish Bourbons, together with the Cortes, Spain's parliament, through an Auto Accordado changes the order of succession to the Spanish crown from that outlined in the Siete Partidas. Where the previous rule consisted of male-preference primogeniture, Philip's new law instituted semi-Salic law, under which accession of a female or her descendants is possible only following the extinction of all dynastic males descended in the male line from Philip V.
  • 1789: During the reign of Charles IV, the Cortes approves a reversion of the system of succession to the traditional Siete Partidas order of succession. However, the law was not promulgated, due in part to protests from the cadet branches of the House of Bourbon (the Sicilian branch and the Parmesan branch), who saw it as diminishing their hereditary rights.
  • 1812. A new Spanish constitution outlines the rules of succession in accordance with the Siete Partidas.
  • 31 March 1830: Ferdinand VII, at the time without issue and his fourth wife pregnant, promulgates the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830 which ratifies the 1789 law, thereby re-establishing the pre-Philippine order of succession.
  • 10 October 1830: The future Isabella II is born to Ferdinand VII. After several court intrigues, the Pragmatic Sanction is definitively approved in 1832. Ferdinand's brother, the Infante Don Carlos, up to that time the heir presumptive, feels robbed of his rights, and leaves for Portugal.
  • 1833–1876 Carlist Wars

Political landscape after the death of Ferdinand VII (1833) Edit

As in many European countries, after the Napoleonic occupation, the Spanish political class was split between the "absolutists", supporters of the ancien régime, and the Liberals, influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution.

The long war for Spain's independence from the Napoleonic Empire left a large supply of experienced guerrilla fighters and an oversized military officialdom—for the most part, staunch Liberals. The perceived success of the uprising of 1808 against Napoleon left also a broad, if unconscious, belief in the validity of the right of rebellion, with long-lasting effects on the politics of Spain and Spanish America, extending through the 19th century and beyond.

The reign of Ferdinand VII proved unable to overcome the political divide or to create stable institutions. The so-called Liberal Triennium (1820–1823) re-instated the 1812 constitution after a military "pronunciamiento", but was followed by the Ominous Decade (1823–1833), ten years of absolute rule by the king, that left bitter memories of persecution in both parties.

While in power, both groups had divided themselves into moderate and radical branches. The radical branch of the absolutists (or royalists), known as the Apostólicos, looked upon the heir presumptive, Don Carlos, as its natural head, as he was profoundly devout and, especially after 1820, staunchly anti-liberal.

In 1827, Catalonia was shaken by the rebellion of the Agreujats or Agraviados ("the Aggrieved"), an ultra-absolutist movement, which, for a time, controlled large parts of the region. The infante was for the first time then hailed as king. He denied any involvement.

The last years of King Ferdinand saw a political realignment due to the troubles surrounding his succession. In October 1832, the King formed a moderate royalist government under Francisco Cea Bermúdez, which almost succeeded in curbing the Apostolic party and, through an amnesty, in gaining liberal support for Isabella's right to succeed under the regency of her mother, Maria Christina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies. If only to get rid of Don Carlos, the Liberals accepted the new Princess of Asturias.

Moreover, the first years of the 1830s were influenced by the failure of the French Restoration, which meant the end of Bourbon rule in France, and the civil war in Portugal between both legitimist and liberal parties.

Social and economic factors Edit

Beside this political evolution, the years before the Carlist wars were marked by a deep economic crisis in Spain, partly spurred by the loss of the continental American provinces, and by the bankruptcy of the state. The last triggered enhanced tax pressures which further fueled social unrest.

Certain economic measures proposed by the Liberals (such as the Desamortización, i.e. the takeover, division and sale of the commons and Church property, initiated in 1821) were directly threatening the viability of many small farms, whose residents were accustomed to rely on the common pasture lands to feed, at little or no cost, their mules and oxen. Widespread poverty followed, as did the closure of most hospitals, schools and other charities. [ citation needed ]

An important factor was the 'religious' question. The radical liberals (progresistas) after 1820 had grown more and more anticlerical, strongly opposing religious institutes. [ citation needed ] They were suspected of being adherents of Freemasonry. This policy alienated them from many sectors of the (mostly deeply Catholic) Spanish people, especially in rural areas. [ citation needed ]

The only institution abolished in the "Liberal Triennium", that was not restored by Ferdinand VII, was the Inquisition. One of the demands of the radical absolutist party was its reinstitution. Liberals had been, while in power, quite doctrinaire, pursuing centralization and uniform administration.

Besides the Basque Country, in many regions of Spain there were intense particularist feelings, which were thus hurt. While only a secondary factor at the outbreak of the first Carlist war, this anti-uniformist localism, exemplified in the defense of the fueros, [ citation needed ] would become in time one of the more important banners of Carlism. This won Carlism support in the Basque territories (Navarre, Gipuzkoa, Biscay and Araba), as well as the old realms of the Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia), as those areas resented the abolition of their ancient self-government privileges by issuance of the Nueva Planta Decrees.

The history of Carlism can be usefully divided into four different stages, [ citation needed ] whose dates are only approximate (thus the overlap is intentional):

  • 1833–1876: factions pursued power mainly by military means.
  • 1868–1936: Carlism reverted to a peaceful political movement.
  • 1936–1975: During the Spanish Civil War, Carlists were part of Franco's coalition. During the Franco regime, some government ministers were drawn from Franco's Carlist supporters, but the movement as a whole was gradually marginalized by the generalissimo.
  • 1975–present: After Franco's death, the Carlist movement declines into near irrelevance.

Carlist Wars (1833–1876) Edit

The period of the Carlist Wars, during which the party tried to attain power mainly through military means, is both classical Carlism, because the wars – or the threat of them – placed Carlism on the center stage of Spain's political history, and formative, as Carlism evolved the cultural and sociological form it would retain for well over a hundred years.

Historical highlights of this era are the:

    (1833–1840)—a civil war in Spain from 1833 to 1840, fought between factions over the succession to the throne and the nature of the Spanish monarchy. It was fought between supporters of the regent, Maria Christina, acting for Isabella II of Spain, and those of the late king's brother, Carlos de Borbón (or Carlos V). The Carlists goal was the return to an absolute monarchy. Portugal, France and the United Kingdom supported the regency, and sent volunteer and even regular forces to confront the Carlist army. (1846) was a series of intrigues between France, Spain, and the United Kingdom relating to the marriages of Queen Isabella II of Spain and her sister the infantaLuisa Fernanda. (1847–1849)—was a minor Catalan uprising. The rebels tried to install Carlos VI on the throne. In Galicia, the uprising was on a smaller scale. The war was ostensibly fought to facilitate the marriage of Isabella II with the Carlist pretender, Carlos de Borbón (or Carlos VI), but Isabella II was instead wed to Francisco de Borbón.
  • The 1860 expedition and its aftermath. That year the Count of Montemolín tried to seize power through a pronunciamiento. He landed in Sant Carles de la Ràpita (Tarragona), but was quickly detained, and forced to renounce his rights. This calamity, his behaviour after release, and the fact that the next in the line was his liberal brother, drove Carlism to the brink of extinction. It was only saved by the hand of his stepmother, the Maria Theresa of Braganza, Princess of Beira and
  • The "Glorious Revolution" 1868. Isabella II managed to alienate almost everybody in Spain, until she was expelled that year by a progressivist revolution. At that point, Carlism, under its new head Carlos VII, became the rallying point for many political Catholics and conservatives, becoming the main bloc of right-wing opposition to the ensuing governments in Spain. After four years of political activity, and some hesitation, the martial option was again tried in
  • the Third Carlist War (1872–1876).

Points of convergence Edit

All three wars share a common development pattern: [ citation needed ]

  1. A first stage of guerrilla activity, across all of Spain.
  2. A second stage of territorial resistance is created, with regular army units created. The 1847 war did not get further than this.
  3. A third stage of territorial stability achieved through conventional leads to the creation of State structures. No Carlist war went further than this.

At the beginning of each war, no regular army unit was on the Carlist side, and only the third was the result of a planned uprising.

The first war was noteworthy for being, on both sides, extremely brutal. The Liberal army mistreated the population, most of whom it suspected of being Carlist sympathizers, to the point of, sometimes, attempted extermination [ citation needed ] Carlists, very often, treated Liberals no better than they had treated Napoleonic soldiers and agents, to such an extent that the international powers forced the warring parties to recognize some rules of war, namely the "Lord Eliot Convention". Brutality did not disappear completely, and giving no quarter to one's enemy was not uncommon. [ citation needed ]

The areas over which Carlism could establish some sort of territorial authority during the first war (Navarre, Rioja, the rural Basque Country, inner Catalonia and northern Valencia) would remain the main bulwarks of Carlism throughout its history, although there were active supporters of the movement everywhere else in Spain. Especially in Navarre, Asturias, and parts of the Basque Provinces Carlism remained a significant political force until the late 1960s.

Carlist military leaders Edit

Carlists in peace (1868–1936) Edit

The loss of prestige and subsequent fall of Isabel II in 1868, plus the staunch support of Carlism by Pope Pius IX, led a sizable number of former Isabelline conservative Catholics (e.g., Francisco Navarro Villoslada, Antonio Aparisi, [5] Cándido Nocedal, Alejandro Pidal) to join the Carlist cause. For a time, even beyond the start of the third war (1872), it became the most important, and best organized, "right-wing" opposition group to the revolutionary regime, with some 90 members of parliament in 1871.

After the defeat, [ clarification needed ] a group (led by Alejandro Pidal) left Carlism to form a moderate, non-dynastic Catholic party in Spain, which latter merged with the conservatives of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo.

In 1879 Cándido Nocedal was charged with the reorganization of the party. His main weapon was a very aggressive press (in 1883 Pope Leo XIII published the encyclical Cum multa, trying to moderate it). His stance was an uncompromising adherence to the Carlists' political and, especially, religious principles (hence the term "integrist"). This tendency became so radical that in 1888, Carlos VII had to expel the group centered around Ramón Nocedal, Cándido's son, which thus gave rise to another small, but in clerical circles influential, Integrist Party.

Meanwhile, Marquis de Cerralbo built up a modern mass party, centered around the local assemblies (called "Círculos", of which several hundred existed throughout Spain in 1936) and their social action programmes, and in active opposition to the political system of the Restoration (participating even in broad coalitions, such as 1907's "Solidaritat Catalana", with regionalists and republicans). During electoral campaigns the Carlists, except Navarre, achieved little success.

From 1893 to 1918, Juan Vázquez de Mella was its most important parliamentary leader and ideologue, seconded by Víctor Pradera, who had wide influence on Spanish conservative thinking beyond the party.

World War I had a special influence on Carlism. As the Carlist claimant, then Jaime, Duke of Madrid, had close ties to the Russian Imperial Family, had been mistreated by Austrian Emperor Franz Josef, and was also Head of the House of Bourbon, he favoured the Allies, but was living under house-arrest in Austria, at Schloss Frohsdorf, with almost no communication with the political leadership in Spain. [ citation needed ] As the war ended and Don Jaime could again freely communicate with Spain, a crisis erupted, and Vázquez de Mella and others had to leave the party's leadership (the so-called "Mellists").

In 1920, Carlism helped to found the "Sindicatos Libres" (Catholic Labour Unions) to counter the increased influence of leftist trade unions over the working class, clinging to a difficult balance between labour claims and the interests of the upper-class, to whom Carlism was so attached.

Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship (1923–1930) was opposed but ambiguously viewed by Carlism, which, like most parties, entered a period of slumber, only to be awakened by the coming of the Second Republic in 1931. In the run-up to the proclamation of the Republic, the Carlists got together with the re-founded Basque Nationalist Party within the pro-charters Coalición Católico Fuerista in the core areas of Carlism, the Basque region, thus providing the springboard for the draft Basque Statute.

In October 1931, Carlist claimant to the Spanish throne Duke Jaime died. He was succeeded by the 82-year-old claimant Alfonso Carlos de Borbón, reuniting under him the integrists led by Olazábal and the "Mellists". They represented a region-based Spanish nationalism with an entrenched identification of Spain and Catholicism. The ensuing radicalized Carlist scene overshadowed the "Jaimists" with a Basque inclination. The Basque(-Navarrese) Statute failed to take off over disagreements on the centrality of Catholicism in 1932, with the new Carlist party Comunión Tradicionalista opting for an open confrontation with the Republic. The Republic established a secular approach of the regime, a division of Church and state, as well as freedom of cults, as France did in 1905, an approach traditionalists could not stand.

The Comunión Tradicionalista (1932) showed an ultra-Catholic, anti-secular position, and plotted for a military takeover, while adopting far-right apocalyptic views and talking of a final clash with an alliance of alleged anti-Christian forces. The most extreme proponent of these views was Juan Vazquez de Mella, who argued that Jewish capital had financed the liberal revolution and was now behind the Communist revolution in order, in union with the "Muslim hordes" (even the native tribesmen of the Rif fighting for their freedom), to destroy Christian civilization and impose a "Jewish tyranny on the world". [6] At the time, a Rothschild-Marx link and a bridgehead laid over Spain was being cited in the far-right circles to found these claims. [7]

In Navarre, the main Carlist stronghold, the movement revolved around the newspaper El Pensamiento Navarro, read almost exclusively by the clergy and second in circulation to El Diario de Navarra, another ultra-Conservative daily with an anti-Basque streak. The dormant paramilitary Requeté of the early 20th century was activated. As early as May 1931, Jaime del Burgo (father of the 1979 UPN namesake party leader) and other Jaimist young members organized arms smuggling from Eibar to distribute them among "defence" parties called Decurias, counting on the financing of wealthy personalities (big landowners, etc.). In 1932, the first coup d'état attempt took place against the Republic in the Sanjurjada, with a Carlist inspiration. [8]

The October 1934 Revolution cost the life of the Carlist deputy Marcelino Oreja Elósegui, with Manuel Fal Condé taking over from young Carlists clustering around the AET (Jaime del Burgo and Mario Ozcoidi) in their pursuit to overthrow the Republic. The Carlists started to prepare for an armed definite clash with the Republic and its different leftist groups. From the initial defensive Decurias of Navarre (deployed in party seats and churches), the Requeté grew into a well-trained and strongest offensive paramilitary group in Spain when Manuel Fal Condé took the reins. It numbered 30,000 red berets (8,000 in Navarre and 22,000 in Andalusia). [9]

Spanish Civil War and Franco regime (1936–1975) Edit

During the war (1936–1939) Edit

The Carlist militia, the Requetés, had been receiving military training during the Second Spanish Republic but had significant ideological differences with many of the conspiring generals. [10] With the July 1936 revolt and the ensuing Spanish Civil War, the Carlists fell naturally if uneasily on the side of the Nationalist rebels. General Mola, known for his openness on his no-holds-barred, criminal approach, [11] [12] had just been relocated away to Pamplona by the Republican authorities, ironically to the very heart of the far-right rebellion.

In May 1936, the General met with Ignacio Baleztena, a Navarrese Carlist figure at the head of the Requetés, offering the participation of 8,400 voluntaries to support the uprising, turned into a counter-revolutionary reaction. The principles divide between Manuel Fal Conde and Mola (basically a Falangist) almost broke the understanding for a Carlist allegiance to the coup on 4 July 1936. However, rebellious cooperation against the legitimate Republican government was restored by the intervention of Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, count of Rodezno.

The highest Carlist authority, the Duke Alfonso Carlos, did not approve of the pact, but all the same, by then Mola was negotiating directly with the Carlist Navarre Council (Junta Navarra), one that opted for the support to the uprising. On 19 July, the state of war was declared in Pamplona and the Carlist corps (tercio) in the city took over. In a few days time, just about all Navarre was occupied by the military and the Requetés. There was no front.

Immediately the rebels, with a direct participation of the Requetés and the clergy (the Carlist core in Navarre), engaged in a brutal repression to stamp out dissent that affected all inconvenient, mildly progressive, or Basque nationalist inhabitants and personalities. The killing in the rearguard took a direct death toll (extrajudicial executions) ranging from 2,857 [11] to 3,000 [13] to circa 4,000. A bleak scene of social humiliation and submission ensued for those surviving.

The Carlists' prospects in Gipuzkoa and Biscay were not auspicious. The military coup failed, and Carlist units were overwhelmed by forces loyal to the Republic, i.e. different leftist forces and the Basque nationalists. Many crossed the front-line to make themselves safe in the rebel zone, and added to the Carlist regiments in Álava and Navarre. Pamplona became the rebel launching point for the War in the North.

On 8 December 1936, Fal Conde had to leave temporarily for Portugal after a major clash with Franco. On 19 April 1937 the Carlist political bloc was "unified" with the Falange under the pro-Franco, umbrella nationalist party, Falange Española Tradicionalista de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista or FET de las JONS. Unwilling to leave the Nationalist movement, but unhappy with the merger, the new Carlist claimant Javier, prince de Borbón-Parma, condemned those Carlists who joined the new party.

He was expelled from the country, while Fal Conde was not allowed to return to Spain until after the war. Low-level Carlists, with the notable exception of those in Navarre, generally distanced themselves from the workings of the new party and in many cases never joined at all. [14]

Franco era Edit

Henceforth, the mainstream kept an uncomfortable minority position inside the regime, more often than not at odds with its official policy, although the ministry of Justice was thrice given to a loyal "Carlist" (who was accordingly expelled from the Traditionalist Communion). This time was also marred by the problem of succession and internal strife over Francoism.

Carlist ministers in Franco's August 1939 cabinet included General José Enrique Varela at army, and Esteban Bilbao at justice. [15] At the same time, two of nine seats in the Junta Política were given to Carlists. Of the hundred-member National Council of the FET, seven seats were occupied by Carlists. [16]

Carlists continued to clash with Falangists, notably in an incident at Bilbao's Basilica of Begoña on 16 August 1942. Accounts of the violence vary, but a Carlist rally (where some allegedly shouted anti-Franco slogans) was targeted by two grenades hurled by Falangists. [ citation needed ] While alleged fatalities and the number of those injured have long been disputed, the incident led to a shakeup of the Franco cabinet and the judicial conviction of six Falangists (one, Juan José Domínguez, was executed for the crime). [17]

In 1955 Fal Conde resigned as Jefe Delegado of the movement and was replaced by José María Valiente, who formally assumed the title in 1960. The change marked a shift from opposition to collaboration with Francoism, and the rapprochement ended in 1968, when Valiente left office.

Franco recognized both the titles of nobility conceded by the Carlist claimants and those of the Isabelline branch. At his death, the movement was badly split, and unable to get wide public attention again.

In 1971, Don Carlos Hugo, prince de Borbón-Parma founded the new Carlist Party based on the confederalist vision for Las Españas ("the Spains") and socialist autogestion (then promoted in Yugoslavia). At Montejurra, on 9 May 1976, adherents of the old and new versions of Carlism brawled. Two Hugo supporters were killed by far-right militants, among whom was Stefano Delle Chiaie. The Carlist Party accused Hugo's younger brother, Don Sixto Enrique de Borbón-Parma, of aiding the militants, which collaboration the Traditionalist Communion denies. [18]

The Post-Franco period (1975–present) Edit

In the first democratic elections on 15 June 1977, only one Carlist senator was elected, journalist and writer Fidel Carazo from Soria, who ran as an independent candidate. In the parliamentary elections of 1979, rightist Carlists integrated in the far-right coalition Unión Nacional, that won a seat in the Cortes for Madrid but the elected candidate was not himself a Carlist. The Carlists have since remained extra-parliamentary, obtaining only town council seats.

In 2002 Carlos Hugo donated the House's archives to the Archivo Histórico Nacional, which was protested by his brother Don Sixto Enrique and by all Carlist factions. [ citation needed ]

Currently there are three political organizations which claim the Carlist identity:

  • Comunión Tradicionalista (led by José Miguel Gambra Gutiérrez)
  • Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista (led by Telmo Aldaz de la Quadra-Salcedo) (led by Jesús María Aragón Samanes)

The regnal numbers are those used by their supporters. While they were not proclaimed kings, they made use of some titles associated with the Spanish throne. [ citation needed ]

Claimant Portrait Birth Marriages Death
Carlos, Count of Molina
(Carlos V)
(English: Charles V)
29 March 1788, Aranjuez
son of Carlos IV
and Maria Luisa of Parma
Maria Francisca of Portugal
September 1816
3 children
Maria Teresa, Princess of Beira
No children
10 March 1855
aged 66
Carlos, Count of Montemolin
(Carlos VI)
(English: Charles VI)
31 January 1818, Madrid
son of Carlos, Count of Molina
and Maria Francisca of Portugal
Maria Carolina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies
10 July 1850
No children
31 January 1861
aged 43
Juan, Count of Montizón
(Juan III)
(English: John III)
15 May 1822, Aranjuez
son of Carlos, Count of Molina
and Maria Francisca of Portugal
Beatrix of Austria-Este
6 February 1847
2 children
21 November 1887
aged 65
Carlos, Duke of Madrid
(Carlos VII)
(English: Charles VII)
30 March 1848, Ljubljana
son of Juan, Count of Montizón
and Beatrix of Austria-Este
Margarita of Bourbon-Parma
4 February 1867
5 children
Berthe de Rohan
28 April 1894
No children
18 July 1909
aged 61
Jaime, Duke of Madrid
(Jaime III)
(English: James III)
27 June 1870, Vevey
son of Carlos, Duke of Madrid
and Margarita of Bourbon-Parma
never married 2 October 1931
aged 61
Alfonso Carlos, Duke of San Jaime
(Alfonso Carlos I)
(English: Alphonse Charles I)
12 September 1849
son of Juan, Count of Montizón
and Beatrix of Austria-Este
Maria das Neves of Portugal
26 April 1871
1 child
29 September 1936
aged 87

The succession after Alfonso Carlos Edit

At the death of Alfonso Carlos in 1936 most Carlists supported Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma whom Alfonso Carlos had named as regent of the Carlist Communion.

A minority of Carlists supported Archduke Karl Pius of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, a grandson through the female line of Carlos VII.

A fringe movement of Carlists supported Alfonso XIII, the exiled constitutional king of Spain, who was the senior male descendant of King Charles IV. The majority of Carlists, however, considered Alfonso disqualified because he did not share the Carlist ideals (and, importantly, because Spanish law [19] excluded from succession the descendants of those who commit treason against the king, as Carlists deem Alfonso's male-line ancestors to have done once Francisco de Paula recognized the reign of Isabella II). Many also regarded his descent as illegitimate, believing that Alfonso XII's biological father was a lover of Queen Isabella's rather than her husband.

Most of the following events happened under the regime of Francisco Franco, who skillfully played each faction off against the others.

Borbón-Parma claim Edit

Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma (25 May 1889 – 7 May 1977), known in Spain as Don Javier de Borbón, had been named regent of the Carlist Communion by Alfonso Carlos in 1936 as the nearest member of the House of Bourbon who shared the Carlist ideals.

During the Second World War, Prince Xavier returned to the Belgian army, where he had served during World War I. He was demobilized and joined the French maquis. He was taken prisoner by the Nazis and sent to Natzweiler and Dachau concentration camp, where American troops liberated him in 1945. In 1952, Javier was proclaimed King of Spain, asserting Carlist legitimacy. Since the death of Alfonso Carlos, his successor by right of agnatic primogeniture had yet to be determined. [ citation needed ] To do so, it was necessary to trace the patriline of Philip V to his seniormost descendant who was not excluded from the throne by law (for treason, morganatic marriage, birth out-of-wedlock and other reasons legally established in the Novísima Recopilación of 1805, in force at the time of the First Carlist War). In 1952, when all lines senior to the House of Bourbon-Parma were deemed excluded, [ citation needed ] the claim was taken up by Don Javier (descended from Duke Philip of Parma, third son of Philip V). Even though he was raised in the Carlist camp and named regent of the Carlist Communion in 1936, his proclamation as king later in 1956 was, it was asserted, not a political move based on ideology, but the consequence of dynastic legitimacy. [ citation needed ] He remained the Carlist claimant until his renunciation in 1975.

Changes in the views of some in the Carlist movement polarized Javier's supporters between his two sons, Carlos Hugo and Sixto Enrique (and many more endorsing neither) in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Carlos Hugo turned organized Carlism into a socialist movement, while his brother Sixto Enrique (supported by his mother Madeleine de Bourbon-Busset) followed a far rightist course.

In 1977 Sixto Enrique's supporters published a manifesto from Javier condemning Carlos Hugo. Several days later Carlos Hugo's supporters published a manifesto from Javier recognising Carlos Hugo as his heir.

Carlos Hugo, Duke of Parma (8 April 1930 – 18 August 2010) was the elder son of Xavier. He was Carlist claimant from 1977 until his death. After alienating many Carlists by his attempts to approach Franco (1965–1967), Carlos Hugo switched to a leftist Titoist, workers' self-management socialist movement. In 1979 he accepted Spanish citizenship from King Juan Carlos I and in 1980 he renounced his membership in the Partido Carlista, which he had created. Carlos Hugo had the support of a minority of Carlists including the Partido Carlista. [ citation needed ] He also excluded the Luxembourgeois branch of the family from Carlist succession due to unequal marriages by princes of that branch that were recognized as dynastic by the Grand Duke.

Prince Carlos, Duke of Parma (born 27 January 1970) is the elder son of Carlos Hugo. He inherited the Carlist claim on his father's death in 2010. Carlos has the support of a minority of Carlists including the Partido Carlista. [ citation needed ]

Prince Sixto Enrique of Bourbon-Parma (born 22 July 1940) claims to be the current regent of the Carlist Communion. He is known as the Duke of Aranjuez.

Sixto Enrique is supported by the minority Comunión Tradicionalista, and some others who believe that his elder brother Carlos Hugo was rightful heir, but ineligible for the succession on account of his socialism. Sixto Enrique has never claimed to be Carlist king, in the hopes that one of his nephews will one day accept traditional Carlist values. [ citation needed ]

Habsburgo-Borbón claim Edit

The eldest daughter of Carlos, Duke of Madrid was Bianca de Borbón y Borbón-Parma (1868–1949). She married Archduke Leopold Salvator of Austria (1863–1931). In 1943, one of their sons presented himself as Carlist claimant in succession to his great-uncle Alfonso Carlos. Since this claim comes through a female line, it is rejected by most Carlists. [ citation needed ]

    was a Carlist claimant from 1943 to 1953. He was supported by some of General Franco's officials from the Movimiento Nacional. As he assumed the title of "King Carlos VIII", the movement that supports this branch of the family is called Carloctavismo. was the brother of Karl Pius and was Carlist claimant (Carlos IX) from 1953 to 1961. was the brother of Karl Pius and Anton and was Carlist claimant (Francisco I) from 1961 to 1975. is the son of Anton and has been Carlist claimant (Domingo I) since 1975.

In 2012, Senator Iñaki Anasagasti of the Basque Country proposed the idea of creating a united Basque-Navarrese-Catalan monarchy with Archduke Dominic of Austria its king. [23] [24]

Borbón claim Edit

Alfonso XIII became the senior representative by primogeniture of the House of Bourbon at the death of Alfonso Carlos in 1936. He had reigned as the constitutional king of Spain as Alfonso XIII until his exile in 1931. He was the son of King Alfonso XII, son of Francisco de Asis de Borbón, son of Infante Francisco de Paula, the younger brother of Charles V. He was recognised as Carlist claimant by a small amount of Carlists who considered the death of Alfonso Carlos an opportunity to reunite Spanish monarchists, both Carlist and Isabelline. Nonetheless, despite this apparently attractive opportunity, Franciso de Paula and his descendants were considered legally and morally excluded from the line of succession by many Carlists as traitors, according to the Spanish laws of succession as they stood in 1833 (and as defended by Carlists since then). [25] In 1941 Alfonso abdicated he died two months later.

Alfonso's eldest son had died in 1938. His second son Infante Jaime, Duke of Segovia had been pressured to renounce his rights to the constitutional succession in 1933. Both had married morganatically. King Alfonso's third son, Don Juan, Count of Barcelona was his chosen successor.

  • Juan de Borbón claim
      (20 June 1913 – 1 April 1993) was the third son of Alfonso XIII. He was claimant to the throne of Spain from 1941 until his renunciation in 1977. In 1957, a group of Carlists recognized him as their chief in his exile at Estoril, Portugal. [26]
  • King Juan Carlos I is the surviving son of Don Juan, Count of Barcelona. He was the King of Spain from 1975 until his abdication in 2014.
  • King Felipe VI is the only son of Juan Carlos I. He is the current representative of this claim. He has been the king of Spain since 2014, confirmed by the Spanish Constitution of 1978.
    • was the second son of Alfonso XIII, and the older brother of Juan, Count of Barcelona. Despite his 1933 renunciation of the Spanish throne, in 1960 Jaime announced that he was the Carlist claimant and occasionally used the title Duke of Madrid he remained a claimant until his death in 1975. He had only a few Carlist supporters, but among these was Alicia de Borbón y de Borbón-Parma, the only surviving daughter of previous Carlist claimant Carlos, Duke of Madrid. Jaime also became the Legitimist claimant to the French throne, using the title Duke of Anjou in this capacity he had some supporters. was the son of Jaime. He did not claim the Carlist succession between 1975 and his death in 1989. is the son of Alfonso. He has never claimed the Carlist succession.

    Carlism or Traditionalism can be labeled as a counter-revolutionary movement.

    Carlism's intellectual landscape was a reaction against the basic tenets of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution of 1789 laicism, individualism, egalitarianism, rationalism. In this sense, it is akin to the French Reactionaries (Legitimism) and Joseph de Maistre's thinking.

    It is difficult to give an accurate description of Carlist thinking for several reasons:

    • As traditionalists, Carlists mistrusted ideology as a political driving force. Some 19th-century pamphlets expressed it in this form: against a philosophical constitution (liberalism, based on ideology), a historical constitution is proposed (based on history, and the teachings of the Church). [citation needed]
    • Carlism's long active history—it has been an important force for over 170 years—and the fact that it attracted a large and diverse following, makes a comprehensive categorization more difficult.
    • There has almost never been a single school of thought inside Carlism.
    • The ideas expressed inside Carlism were partly and openly shared with other forces on the political spectrum. The more conservative, Catholic (or Christian-democratic) wings of the various nationalist and regionalist movements throughout Spain can claim an indirect influence from Carlism, particularly relating to fueros and regional self-government.

    While Carlism and Falangism had certain similarities—social conservatism, Catholicism and anti-Communism—there were also stark differences between the two movements. Most significant was the fact that whereas Falangism subscribed to a strongly centralising form of Spanish nationalism, Carlism was more supportive of the fueros, preserving local culture and regional autonomy as was one of their main tenets.

    Carlism also supports Salic Law in regards to succession, being legitimist monarchists.

    Dios, Patria, Fueros, Rey Edit

    These four words (which can be translated as God, Fatherland, Local Rule, and King), have been the motto and cornerstone of Carlism throughout its existence. What Carlism understood by these was:

    • Dios (God): Carlism believes in the Catholic Faith as a cornerstone of Spain, and must be politically active in its defense.
    • Patria (Fatherland): Carlism is heavily patriotic, Traditionalism sees the Fatherland as the nesting of communities (municipal, regional, Spain) united under one.
    • Fueros (similar to medieval charters): Part of the limitation of royal powers is the acknowledgment of local and regional self-rule (and of other types of communities in the political body, especially the Church). Although the result of a peculiar historical development in Spain, it converged with the concept of subsidiarity in Catholic social thought. Note that some versions of the motto omit the Fueros clause.
    • Rey (King): The concept of national sovereignty is rejected. Sovereignty is vested on the king, both legitimate in blood and in deeds. But this power is limited by the doctrine of the Church and the Laws and Usages of the Kingdom, and through a series of Councils, traditional Cortes and state-independent intermediate bodies. The King must also be the Defender of the Poor and Keeper of Justice.

    Supporters Edit

    Carlism was a true mass movement and drew its rank and file from all social classes, with a majority of peasant and working class elements. Thus, it is no surprise that Carlism was involved in the creation of Catholic trade unions. It was also a family tradition, later Carlists would be descendants of earlier Carlists. [ citation needed ]

    Offshoots and influence Edit

    • Cultural and political regionalism in Spain (not to be mistaken with regional nationalism or separatism) was largely Carlist-originated. The influence of Carlist thinker Juan Vázquez de Mella in this field can still be traced today.
    • One of the founders of Basque nationalism, Sabino Arana, came from a Carlist background, and for many years competed for the same audience (Basque deep [clarification needed] Catholics). Compare the PNV slogan "God and Fueros". Basque nationalism, however, was effectively shaped by the Liberal Engracio de Aranzadi, an admirer of Mazzini. Carlist and Nationalists drafted the firstBasque Statute of Autonomy, but Carlists battled and defeated Basque nationalists in 1936–1937.
    • Fuerismo was a doctrine prevalent in the Basque provinces. It supported the Isabelline monarchy but wanted to preserve the Fuero autonomy of the provinces.
    • Catholic politics [clarification needed] are essential for Carlism. Compare the slogan Christus Rex. 's thinking was very influential, through the group Acción Española, in Spanish authoritarian thinking in the 1930s and 1940s. , Archbishop of Pamplona and Tudela (Spain) caused controversy by publicly stating on 7 May 2007 that the Traditionalist Carlist Communion, among others, is worthy of consideration and of electoral support.
    • Motto: Dios, Patria, Fueros, Rey [citation needed]
    • Flag: the red cross of Burgundy on white [citation needed]
    • The red beret. In Basque, the Carlist troops were hence called txapelgorri -though the name was also shared by units of the opposing Liberal side. The red beret was worn as a distinguishing device by Carlists soldiers in the First Carlist War and later became an emblem of Carlists in general, often with a yellow pom pom or tassel. [28]
    • Anthem: Oriamendi [citation needed]
      was the site of the Carlist court. /Vergara was the place of the Abrazo de Vergara, which ended the First Carlist War in the North.
    • Brigadas de Navarra were National Army units formed mainly by Requeté forces from Navarre at the start of the Spanish Civil War. They saw intensive action during the War.
    • Detente bala ("Stop bullet!") a small patch with an image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus worn on the uniform (over the heart) by most requetés.
    • Margaritas. Carlist women organization. They often worked as war nurses.
    • Ojalateros were courtiers saying Ojalá nos ataquen y ganemos ("Wish they would attack us and we won"), but doing nothing to achieve victory. The name is a pun on hojalatero ("tinkerer", "pot-seller")
    • Requetés The armed Carlist militias.
    • Trágala, expression marking the desire to forcibly impose the ideas most hated by the opponents. Also a Liberal fighting song (chorus: "Swallow it, you Carlist, you who don't want a Constitution.").

    The liberal Spanish journalist Mariano José de Larra opposed Carlism and published several lampoons against it. Nadie pase sin hablar al portero (1833) presents Carlists as a bunch of bandit priests. [29]

    Ernest Hemingway refers to Carlism in For Whom the Bell Tolls. He mentions two fascists and says, "They were Carlists from Navarra. " [ citation needed ]

    Karl Marx mentioned the Carlists in his articles about the Spanish revolutions. An apocryphal quotation can be found among Spanish historians, where Marx would express a view of the Carlists as a revolutionary popular movement in defence of regional liberties. [ citation needed ]

    Francisco Navarro-Villoslada was a Carlist writer that published a historic novel, Amaya o los vascos en el siglo VIII, in the fashion of Walter Scott, presenting the legendary origins of Spanish monarchy as the start of Reconquista. [ citation needed ]

    The Arrow of Gold by Joseph Conrad is set against the background of the third Carlist war. [ citation needed ]

    Ramón María del Valle-Inclán, novelist, poet and playwright, was a member of the Spanish Generation of 1898. He wrote novels about Carlism and was an active Carlist himself. [ citation needed ]

    Pío Baroja wrote a novel, Zalacaín el aventurero (Zalacain the Adventurer), set during the Third Carlist War, and referred to Carlism in a not very favourable light (as he generally referred to nearly everybody) in several other works. [ citation needed ]

    The Spanish philosopher Miguel de Unamuno suffered as a child the siege of Bilbao during the Third Carlist War. Later he wrote a novel Paz en la guerra about that time. In 1895 he wrote to Joaquín Costa about his plans for an essay on the "intrahistoric" element of rural socialism within the Carlist masses. [ citation needed ]

    Subversive Historian – 10/13/08

    The Execution of Francisco Ferrer

    Ninety-nine years ago on this day in people’s history, anarchist philosopher Francisco Ferrer was executed in Spain. On October 13th, 1909, with no evidence of wrong doing, he was put to death before a firing squad as martial law cracked down on Spanish society. Ferrer had drawn the ire of the establishment when eight years prior to his death, he established the first “escuela moderna,” or modern school. At the turn of the century, Spain’s educational system was highly clerical, and Ferrer’s school sought to be a secular alternative. Instruction at the institution sought to transcend the divisiveness of concepts such as property and country while letting students learn at their own pace and interest.

    In 1906, Ferrer spent a year in prison under suspicion of bombing King Alphonso XIII’s wedding party, but was released for lack of evidence. His “Modern School” closed in his absence, and would never be opened again.

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